美秀博物館（Miho Museum），由著名建築師貝聿銘（I.M.Pei）設計，是日本滋賀山中的一個主要收藏中國藝術的博物館。美秀博物館透過日本經紀人與Eskenazi購藏並組建了令人歎為觀止的中國藝術收藏。
SACA學會寶榜曾發表過相關資料，參考：美秀吉金：开馆一周年纪念展 - MIHO 1st Anniversary Exhibition 1998
美秀動物世界
鳳虎形台座ほうこがただいざ
中国・東周時代 前５世紀
青銅 H-21.4 D-39 W-34.3
底座與山西侯馬出土的東周青銅作坊的風格非常接近，底部有兩隻平行而卧的虎，虎的背後各有一條捲鼻的龍，龍腹之間有一隻展翅的鳳。 龍凸起的背脊在前肢之後被切掉，露出一個長方形的榫，在這個榫上，呈 S 型站立的半邊身體可能是連接起來，用來作為支撐某個東西的平台。 特別是虎形、鳥形（鳳）和龍形，據說是用來作為宗廟祭祀所用儀器的支柱。 這種動物搏鬥的圖案，包括獸咬的姿勢，是春秋末期到戰國時期的青銅器和其他器物上特別明顯的元素。
The stand is composed of a lower section of two tigers set parallel to each other, their legs bent. Each tiger is straddled by a curling-up nosed, chi dragon that bites it in the middle of the back, and between the dragons rises a phoenix, attached to the whole by its extended wings. Images of tigers, birds (the phoenix) and dragons often adorned supports for musical instruments used in ceremonies at ancestral burial sites. Designes such as that illustrated here, where animals are portrayed in fierce combat, are prominent on bronze implements produced from the end of the Spring and Autumn period through the Warring States period.
楕円形鉢 舟 だえんけいはち しゅう
中国・東周時代 前５－前４世紀
青銅、トルコ石、金 H-10.4 D-17
這是一件美麗的青銅器，器身以金和綠松石鑲嵌為亮點。器表的圖案與山西太原金勝大墓出土的春秋晚期青銅器上的蟠螭紋很相似，口沿上長方形與三角形的組合是戰國漆器的特徵，但包括寶石鑲嵌孔的設計都與山西侯馬陶器很相似。
另一方面，這件器物有非常罕見的鳥形四足。在這件先期出現的器物的球形足上使用鳥形腿，並橫向伸出翅膀，是同一時期出土於江蘇省仁水三里? 江蘇省仁水三里等南方地區出土的青銅器和漆器中，也有同類的例子。 這件被認為是鷹等猛禽。
Drinking cups were key elements of court and religious rituals where wine figured prominently. It is possible that these two nearly identical bowls once served this function. Their shape is unique to the Eastern Zhou period, and it may have developed from drinking cups in other materials.1 However, similarly shaped vessels with lids might have had other functions (compare cat. no. 86).2
These bowls' pattern of fine lines accented by comma shapes--inlaid with gold foil and wire--anchored by round turquoise circlets is refreshingly simple. Although similar gold-inlaid designs appear on other fifth-century vessels and fittings, none exploits the contrasting colors of gold and turquoise as boldly as the one on these vessels.3 The ring handle without gold inlay on one of the bowls is a recent restoration.
The four birds cast separately and soldered on the foot ring of each bowl are most unusual. Because of their frontal pose with spread wings, the strong beaks and talons, and the bright turquoise accents on the wings, they have been compared with predatory birds that are often identified with seminomadic peoples who lived north and west of China's borders.4 Similar birds carved in wood as harness ornaments, excavated from a sixth to fifth century B.C. nomadic tomb at Bashadar in southern Siberia, may be distant prototypes/ancestors.5
Both the distinctive gold-inlaid designs and birds with pronounced beaks and talons can also be associated with bronzes or decorated clay molds from Houma Niucun, Shanxi province.6 Throughout the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., trade between the workshops in Houma and the tribes living beyond their northern frontiers encouraged the borrowing of northern decorative ideas and motifs,7 which might have inspired the bird-shaped legs of these two bowls. But in crossing the frontier, the fierce northern predators were replaced instead by images of elegant creatures with exotic plumage. Fanciful birds supporting an inlaid bronze hu vessel and the mount of a jade cong from a second-century B.C. tomb in Lianshui, Jiangsu province, indicate the longevity of this motif.8
1. Mackenzie 1991, p. 7; So 1995, no. 53.
2. See So 1995, nos. 58-61.
3. Ibid., pp. 46-47.
4. Mackenzie 1991, p. 8; Tokyo National Museum 1981, nos. 4, 25.
5. Zavitukhina and Barkova 1978, no. 64.
6. Kelley and Ch'en 1946, pls. 44-46; Shanxi sheng 1993, pls. 189-92; So 1995, p. 43.
7. So 1995, chap. 4.3; Bagley 1996.
8. Kaogu 1973.2, pl. 9.1; p. 82, fig. 3.2.
帯鉤たいこう
中国・東周時代後期 前４世紀後期－前３世紀
青銅、金、銀、トルコ石 H-11.6
強烈拱形的鏤空樹幹由對稱排列的兩條貓魚和四條蛇組成。貓魚的身體柔軟而彎曲，頭部則有尖尖的鼻子和嵌有綠松石的梨形小耳朵，並在靠近中心的橫軸上以點對稱的方式面向對方。 這兩隻動物一隻鑲金、一隻鑲銀，口中各叼著一條彎曲的鑲金嵌銀蛇身，並以爪爪抓住另一條蛇的尾巴。
另外兩條同樣鑲嵌金銀的蛇分佈在鏤空的上下兩端，並被貓的後爪抓在爪爪中。 逗號形的綠松石鑲嵌與四條蛇的尾巴相得益彰。
Two felines and four snakes in a symmetrical arrangement form the openwork body of this strongly arched belt hook. The felines appear with curved slinky bodies, their heads with pointed muzzles and small pear-shaped ears inlaid with turquoise, and face in opposite directions across the horizontal axis near the center. The body of one feline is inlaid with gold foil, the other with silver. They each grip the sinuous body of a snake--one inlaid with gold, the other with silver--with their mouths, while grabbing with a front paw the tail of the other snake. Two more snakes--also gold- or silver-inlaid, at the top and bottom of the openwork configuration--bite at the hind paw of each feline. Comma-shaped turquoise inlays accent the tail of each snake.
Spots left in reserve on the gold- and silver-inlaid bodies of the felines and snakes form two longitudinal rows flanking the central median of each creature's body. Only one snake at the neck of the hook displays a striated body inlaid with silver. The head of a peculiar beaked creature, unlike the more realistic animal heads commonly found on other belt hooks (cat. nos. 89, 91, 95) forms the hook. Gold and silver inlays also accent its head. At the opposite end of the hook, a hollow lunette-shaped device with a stemmed button projecting in the center projects from the underside to serve as the buckling mechanism.
Two virtually identical belt hooks but inlaid with turquoise only are in the Singer collection. It has been suggested that the Singer belt hooks were cast by the lost-wax process.1 Based on its shape and the absence of any mold lines, it can be concluded that the Shumei example was cast by the lost-wax method.2 The Shumei and Singer belt hooks are related to a group of cast gold garment hooks and harness fittings from the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. that use the same unusual buckling device; similar complex serpentine configurations marked by a textured, pseudo-granulated surface; and comma-shaped turquoise inlays. The majority of these gold objects were recovered from Qin tombs in Shaanxi province.3 However, clay molds and models used for the manufacture of similar fittings displaying similar creatures, recovered from the foundry site at Houma Niucun in neighboring Shanxi province, suggest that they may have been produced there.4 Other related gold fittings are in the Uldry collection5 and the Mengdiexuan collection.6
1. Chase 1991, no. 34.
2. See technical reports in forthcoming volume.
3. For examples see Kaogu yu wenwu 1981.1, p. 30, figs. 19.2, 19.10, 19.15, 19.20; Kaogu yu wenwu 1986.1, p. 21, figs. 15.1, 15.4.
4. So 1995, pp. 43-44; Bagley 1996, figs. 2-3.
5. Uldry 1994, nos. 8, 12-15.
6. White and Bunker 1994, no. 4.
帯鉤たいこう
中国・東周時代後期 前３世紀
青銅、金、銀、トルコ石 H-15.2
在其表面，帶狀鉤描繪了一隻身體彎曲的野獸和一隻長尾羽的獵鳥，牠們互相纏繞，抓住頭飾和頸部，或抓或咬身體，青銅造型並鑲嵌金、銀和綠松石。背面也鑲嵌了這種神獸，但整體效果卻不是許多其他例子的對稱，而是流暢而戲劇性的，使這件作品非常華麗。
在這件作品中，類似龍的動物和類似鳳凰的猛禽之間的瘋狂搏鬥在鉤子內上演，充滿了動感。在中國悠久的歷史中，龍鳳爭鬥的設計是周朝獨有的，是有序與無序、不同文化與底層文化混雜的結果，是公元前一千年在東亞發展起來的周朝文化。 這件作品以其喧鬧活潑的氣氛和金銀綠松石鑲嵌的閃爍裝飾而引人注目。 這種引人注目的元素，在周朝初期逐漸從外域傳入中國。 後來又與中國藝術強調生命感和動感的傳統相結合。
Similar to catalogue number 93 in its openwork plaque-like format but larger and considerably grander, this belt hook displays one of the most complex designs of its kind known. Under close scrutiny, its intricately intertwined and overlapping elements crystallize into two creatures, a sinuous-bodied feline and a fancy-feathered bird, locked in fierce struggle.
With its head reared backward to form the hook, a feline looks straight down at its victim, whose head (with open beak) and neck strain back in an arch as the feline yanks the bird's long plume with the sharp claws of its left forelimb. One of the bird's scaled and feathered wings unfolds and extends from behind its strained neck, obscuring the body of the feline although the overlapping feathers are gripped by its right forelimb. The bird's two thin, scaled legs bend upward on either side of the wings. The feline's body emerges from underneath the bird's wings, to show two clawed hind limbs, the right extending to grab the end of the bird's long tail, while the left reaches up to clutch the bird's strained neck. The feline's curled tail, marked by striations and heart-shaped motifs, issues from behind the legs. The bird's other wing is visible, extending upward under the left front leg of the feline.
Every part of the feline's and bird's bodies are lavishly inlaid with gold and silver foil in curved bands punctuated with volutes and spirals, accented by striations, dots, and scales. Seven large turquoise cabochons distributed evenly over the design give additional color.
The underside of the plaque is decorated by a less complex, but still asymmetrically configured design of four felines. These are recognizable by their heads with silver-inlaid spots, alternating gold and silver-inlaid stripes on the bodies, and silver-spotted limbs and claws. A large button, inlaid with gold and silver volutes, projects from the underside for attachment. Another small lunette-shaped piece of bronze issues from under the neck of the feline-head hook. Broken remnants of a pin left in the hole of the projection suggest that it might have been used to fasten the hook to the leather belt. Unusually large and heavy belt hooks, like this and a 48-centimeter long gold- and silver-inlaid cast-iron example excavated from Jiangling Wangshan, Hubei province,1 may have required such an additional attachment device to keep them in place on the belt.
Although its decorative technique--using gold and silver foil and turquoise cabochons inlaid into prepared depressions in the bronze surface--is typical of the late Eastern Zhou period, its inspired design is unmatched by known examples of the time. Another unusually large belt hook, formerly in the J. T. Tai Collection, featuring four sinuous dragons attacking a large bird, displays similar color and complex openwork, but it exhibits a staid symmetry, rather than the drama and energy of the Shumei example.2 The openwork, plaque-like body, as well as the dynamic depiction of predator and victim suggest that designs like this were indebted to belt plaques worn by seminomadic peoples who lived along China's northern frontiers (cat. Nos. 110, 111). The carefully choreographed relationship between the feline predator and its elegantly feathered victim, together with the extravagant inlays on front and back, represent a brilliant integration of northern and Chinese cultural and artistic characteristics during the last centuries B.C. in China.
The creatures on the underside, however, compare well with similar motifs, also inlaid with gold and silver, on the back of a mirror in the Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.,3 and on the lids of three miniature ding vessels: in the Pillsbury collection, Minneapolis Institute of Arts,4 the Mengdiexuan collection,5 and recovered from an early Western Han tomb in Lianshui Sanliduan, Jiangsu province;6 the last example possibly was an antique already at the time of its interment.
1. Metropolitan Museum of Art 1980, no. 76.
2. Deydier 1980, no. 68.
3. Lawton 1982, no. 38.
4. Karlgren 1952, no. 47, pls. 66-67.
5. Rawson and Bunker 1990, no. 41.
6. Kaogu 1973.2, p. 82, fig. 3.1.
留金とめがね
中国・前漢時代 前２０６－後９年
銀、金 H-9.4
這件作品中的動物可能代表了「吉兆」的概念，意思是 「好兆頭」。 這個概念在漢代以前的藝術和文學中有顯著的描繪。 祥瑞是以傳說中的瑞獸形式出現的預兆。 這種神獸的出現被視為長生不老的徵兆，被認為是吉祥的。
此祥獸有弧形的翅膀、蹄子和長長的雙尾，尾端捲曲，以高浮雕的方式表現在一件帶扣的鍍銀衣服上。 它的身體是空心的，身體巧妙地彎曲以配合扣子的形狀。 動物和搭扣是分開鑄造的，再以鑄造或焊接的方式接合。 一顆短軸的大鈕釦從背部伸出，用來固定在衣服上。 它的小尺寸和垂直延伸的設計表明它可能不是用來固定腰帶的，而是垂直地固定在胸前、肩上或其他地方。
The fantastic animal on this hook probably represents the concept called "good omens," xiangrui, that figured prominently in the art and literature of the western Han period.1 Xiangrui were portents in the shape of mythical beasts that were considered good luck because their appearance signaled the approval of heaven. This xiangrui with curved wing, hooves, and long bifurcated tail with curling ends is shown in high relief on a gilt-silver garment hook. Its body is hollow and ingeniously articulated to conform to the general shape of the hook. The animal and the hook were cast separately and then joined together by casting-on or soldering. The hook itself is a later replacement or repair for the now-missing original hook. A large button on a short stem projects from the back for attachment purposes. Its small size and vertical orientation indicate that this garment hook was probably not intended to fasten a belt but may have been worn vertically somewhere on the chest or the shoulders.
Silver was not easily obtainable in ancient China and never gained the prominence in Chinese culture achieved by jade, bronze, and gold.2 In central China, silver appears to have been almost unknown before the fifth century B.C., when bronze-casters began to use it decoratively to embellish luxury items made of other materials, such as belt hooks like catalogue number 91.
Gold inlay marks the crest, wing, and tail of the silver beast on this garment hook. This was achieved by inlaying these areas with gold foil, and then driving the edges of the foil into previously outlined grooves in the silver, conceivably with a chisel that cut the gold.
A fragmentary garment hook excavated from a Western Han tomb in Luobowan, Gui Xian, Guangxi province, appears to be a bronze version of the present hook.3 Most of its fantastic animal is now missing, but the remaining bifurcated tail and the body of the hook are almost identical in shape (fig. 1). The Luobowan example terminates in a broad, flat, snake-like head, exactly the type that may once have adorned the Shumei garment hook before the original was lost.
1. For discussions of xiangrui see Wu 1984; Wu 1986; Wu 1989.
2. Bunker 1994, pp. 73-74.
3. Guangxi Gui Xian Luobowan Han mu 1988, fig. 43.7. I am most grateful to Dr. Jenny F. So for bringing this reference to my attention.
辟邪へきじゃ
中国・前漢時代 前２世紀
青銅、金、銀 H-7 W-7.2
類似馬的頭部有一個鈍鼻，而尖利的獠牙、單瓣輪生的鱗片和看似靈巧的小耳朵從頭頂向後流動。 野獸站立在獅子般的爪足上，胸膛威嚴地向前挺，前腿筆直挺直，後腿彎曲，好像隨時準備撲上前去。 逗號狀的突起讓人聯想到翅膀的羽毛，突顯了手肘，而金銀鑲嵌則突顯了山頂、耳朵、胸部、身體、尾巴和腿部。 眼睛也曾被鑲嵌。
這件作品是空心的，腹下有一個洞，可能是在鑄造過程中造成的。 目前還不清楚這件傳說中的動物是在什麼情況下產生的。 在東周晚期的文學和宗教中，虛構的動物比比皆是，在秦漢時期，它們在道家思想和追求長生不老的過程中扮演了特別重要的角色。 在此時期，類似的鱗狀動物，無論是想像中的還是真實存在的，通常都是用玉器和青銅器鑲嵌而成的。
它們可能代表了居住在仙人島的其他世界的動物，它們的主人希望有一天能居住在這個島上。
The features of this small lively animal do not identify it with any natural species. It has a horse-like head with blunt muzzle, but sharp fangs. A single, curled crest and small alert ears sweep back from the top of its head. The creature stands on leonine paws, chest proudly thrust forward, front legs straight and taut, and hind legs bent as if ready to pounce. Comma-shaped excrescences, suggesting wing feathers, accent each elbow. Gold and silver inlays highlight the crest, ears, chest, body, tail, and legs. The eye sockets were once also inlaid. The figure is hollow, with an opening on the underside of its belly, probably left by the casting process.
It is unclear in what contexts such exquisitely decorated mythical creatures of this size and scale may have served. Imaginary creatures abound in late Eastern Zhou texts and religions, playing especially important roles in Daoist thought and the pursuit of immortality during the Qin and Han periods (see cat. nos. 108, 109). During these period, similarly scaled, fabulous and real animals were often made of jade and decorated bronze in groups, and may have been meant as the exotic inhabitants of miniature, three-dimensional models of the Isle of the Immortals where their owners hoped one day to dwell.1
帯飾板おびかざりばん
中国北部 紀元前３－紀元前２世紀
青銅鍍金 H-6 W-13.2
這件作品是一個扣子的裝飾板，但它是一個鏡像，形成一對，其中左邊的是一個鏡像。 右邊的那個已遺失。 右邊的那件已遺失。
它是使用「蠟鑄法」鑄造的，是東亞蠟鑄技術的變體。 在鑄造過程中，蠟的原型由一塊布支撐，這樣既節省了金屬和金錢，又使成品更薄。 背面的扣環與錶身一起鑄造。 鑄造完成後，僅存一側的裝飾板被合二為一。
在許多與匈奴有關的裝飾帶板中，有些似乎是在中國的作坊生產的。 另一方面，其他的可能是由受雇於蒙古和貝卡爾湖附近的北方遺址的漢族工匠製造的。 中國工匠參與供應奢侈品給他們的游牧鄰居，說明了某些外來的藝術主題與金屬加工技術是如何傳入漢代中國的。
The major northern pastoral peoples contemporary with the Han empire were the Xiongnu, who by the end of the third century B.C. had formed a vast empire in the steppes beyond the Great Wall.1 These plaques represent one of the major types of belt ornament produced during the height of Xiongnu power. The two mirror-image plaques, number 110, together form one belt buckle. The other plaque, number 111, is the left-hand plaque of a mirror-image pair, of which the mate is missing. The perforation in the left-hand plaque of a buckle is part of the fastening system in which a cord was threaded through it and tied.
The plaque pair and the single plaque show the same mythological zoomorphic scene with minor variations. Each plaque depicts a fallen ungulate with raptor-head appendages and cloven hooves being attacked by a bear and a wolf. The ungulate is a mythological creature with the tips of its antlers and ends of its tail transformed into a series of raptor heads, here shown running along part of the border of the plaque. This mythological scene with its animal combat motif belongs to a larger symbolic system that evolved among pastoral peoples of the eastern Eurasian steppes. It appears to have been introduced into the iconography of those inhabiting the grasslands of northwest China during the late fourth century B.C. by pastoral groups from farther west who were fleeing the turbulence created by the Central Asian campaigns of Alexander the Great; it continued to be represented on belt ornaments in north China throughout the first century B.C.2
These plaques differ in detail and workmanship, suggesting that they were cast in different metalworking shops. The pair, 110, were both lost-wax cast, then very fine inlay channels were chisel cut into the surface and inlaid with gold and silver, a labor-intensive process. By contrast, the single plaque, 111, was cast by the "lost-wax and lost-textile" method, an East Asian variation of the lost-wax technique in which the wax model was supported by a piece of textile during the casting process, enabling the craftsman to produce a thinner final product while reducing both the expenditure of metal and money.3 The attachment loops on the reverse sides were cast integrally with the plaques. After casting, the single plaque was mercury amalgam gilded.
Some of the many belt plaques associated with the Xiongnu may have been made at workshops in China, whereas others could have been produced by Han Chinese craftsmen in their employ at their northern strongholds in Mongolia and the vicinity of Lake Baikal. The participation of Chinese craftsmen in providing luxury items for their pastoral neighbors explains how certain exotic artistic motifs and metalworking techniques were introduced into China during the Han period.4 In contrast to plaque 111, the pair of plaques, 110, represent the best of Western Han inlay technology. A closer look at the mythological scene reveals a major detail that relates to Chu rather than steppe iconography. Each raptor head holds a pearl in its beak, an iconographic characteristic associated with birds on Chu artifacts.
A pair of plaques made of gilded bronze that carry the same mythological scene was excavated from a Han-period antiquarians's tomb near Sandiancun in the eastern suburbs of Xi'an, Shaanxi province, where the Western Han capital of Chang'an was located.5
More recently, two superb gold buckles each consisting of mirror-image plaques were discovered at Xuzhou, Jiangsu province, among the grave offerings in the tomb of the Western Han prince Liu Wu, who died in 154 B.C.6 The buckles were still attached to silk belts and carefully laid in a wooden box. Interestingly, one pair of plaques was cast by the lost-wax and lost-textile method, while the other pair is heavier and was lost-wax cast.
1. For further information on the Xiongnu see Rawson and Bunker 1990, pp. 301-4; So and Bunker 1995, pp. 56-63.
2. This iconography has been extensively discussed in Jacobson 1984 and Bunker 1987.
3. For the lost-wax and lost-textile casting technique, see White and Bunker 1994, pp. 41-42.
4. For Sino-nomadic relationships, see So and Bunker 1995, especially chap. 5.
5. Zhu and Li 1983, p. 24, fig. 1.1, pl. 7.2; Bunker 1987, p. 52, fig. 1.
6. Wang and Qiu 1996, pp. 24-25
亀形陶硯かめがたとうけん
中国・後漢時代 1-3c
灰陶製 H-10.5 W-18.8
從彩陶（如仰韶文化的彩陶）上的圖案可以看出，毛筆在中國的使用可以追溯到新石器時代。 然而，需要使用砚台的墨的起源卻不為人所知。
最常見的早期砚台類型是圓形三足砚台，它的表面是平的，因為墨是用磨石磨出墨圈的。 今天廣泛使用的砚台形式出現在更遠的時代，已知最早的例子是在前漢墓中發現的。
這件白灰筆的龜形砚，有一個隆起的山形龜殼作為蓋子，頸部斜直向上延伸。 穩固地支撐整個身體的腳是彎曲的，後腳隱約向上並朝前。 鼻尖的鼻孔圓渾，加上鬆弛的口結，呈微笑的表情，與玳瑁圖案上尖銳的雕刻形成強烈的對比。 砚的内部有类似陆地的结构，后部由后腿抬高，前部降低，分成月牙形，形成一个蓄水池。 砚面仍可看到墨迹。 從周朝末年到漢朝，神仙信仰興盛，砚台被製成龜形。 砚的底部是方形的，代表大地，上部有拱形的殼，像天的殼。
Inkstones were essential to the art of the brush in early China and were often fashioned in auspicious zoomorphic shapes. This inkstone is ceramic and in the shape of a tortoise, with the dome-shaped shell serving as a lid that could be turned over and used as a bowl in which solid ink was crushed. A shallow, concave receptacle for mixing water and ink is hollowed out in the slab that is shaped like a tortoise's body, and traces of ink remain on its surface. Numerous ceramic inkstones of the Han period were fashioned in the form of a tortoise with a removable shell.1
The Shumei tortoise is very naturalistic, with the artist rendering all the creature's essential characteristics. On the shell, there is an grid pattern of indented hexagons surrounded by a band of alternate groups of vertical and horizontal parallel lines. Wrinkles on the animal's sturdy legs suggest a first-hand study of anatomy.
In China, the tortoise has been considered an auspicious animal since Neolithic times, and their shells used for divination. The creature was often depicted on early ceramics and bronzes, such as the wonderful example on the base of the bronze you vessel in the Shumei collection (cat. no. 78). The tortoise was regarded as a model of the cosmos,2 its body symbolizing the earth and its shell the domed heavens. It also has associations with longevity and with water, both of which made it especially appropriate for the shape of an inkstone for the mixing of water and ink by a scholar.3
1. Wenwu 1964.1, pp. 49-52, fig. 4.1-.2.
2. For a discussion of early tortoise symbolism and motifs see Allan 1991, pp. 103-8, 110, 168-70.
3. Ibid., pp. 69-70.
青銅馬 せいどうば
中国 後漢時代 ２５－２２０年
青銅に着彩 H-124 D-113 W-28.5
真正的馬在商周時期就已下葬，但最後陶馬、木馬、有時青銅馬成為二次葬的標準。 其中青銅馬是最昂貴的，而這個尺寸的青銅馬是一個罕見的例子。
這匹步履輕盈的馬在細節上與中國西南部四川出土的一件相當粗壯的陶馬非常接近，但這種優美的造型出現的時間相對較晚。 據推測，這種類型的馬不是單一的子形，而很可能是拉著墓主的戰車的幾匹馬之一。
This elegant bronze horse is an outstanding example of Eastern Han tomb sculpture, and must originally have been part of a remarkable bronze funeral entourage that enriched the tomb of some provincial elite buried in southwest China during the middle of the Eastern Han period. The Shumei horse is very similar to a bronze horse recently excavated from the Eastern Han Tomb M8 at Xingyi in Guizhou province,1 and to another example from Tomb HM2 at Hejiashan, Mianyang Xian, Sichuan province.2 The Xingyi horse was found harnessed to a handsome covered carriage that that would have provided elegant transport for some provincial aristocrat.3
The Shumei horse may have also pulled such a vehicle. Its gait is that of a pacer, which has an extremely smooth way of moving produced by the simultaneous raising of both legs on one side. Several Eastern Han reliefs illustrate scenes in which similar horses are shown pulling upper-class carriages, and, in each case, the horses are shown pacing.4
The casting and construction of this horse is an ingenious example of Eastern Han workmanship. The horse was cast in eleven sections that are riveted together. The sections--two ears, head, neck, chest, rump, tail, and four legs--were hollow cast using the piece-mold casting process, and then assembled. The same construction system was used to create the excavated Xingyi example, as demonstrated by a detailed diagram published in the excavation report.5 The sections were designed with precision to fit together easily. Many such horses were discovered with their sections in disarray owing to the collapse of tomb walls and subsequent plundering, but the Shumei horse is in remarkable condition. A superb bronze horse in the Ludwig Foundation on view at the Museum fur Ostasiatische Kunst in Cologne was created the same way. An examination of the eleven sections and the assembly system of the Ludwig horse confirms the ingenuity and precision of the construction.6 Both the Shumei and Ludwig horses were also once painted, as revealed by the traces of colored pigment visible here and there, particularly in the ears on the Ludwig horse.
Large bronze tomb figures would have been extremely difficult to produce in one casting, whereas those formed of joined pieces could be easily produced to satisfy the growing demands of the elite. The cost of both the material and the labor to produce bronze horses of this size must have been immense, hinting at the wealth accumulated by and available to provincial officials and landowners.
1. Wenwu 1979.5, pl. 5.2.
2. Wenwu 1991.3, p. 16, fig. 26.
3. Wenwu 1979.5, p. 24, pl. 5.1.
4. Wenwu 1975.8, p. 64, fig. 3; Wenwu 1991.12, p. 70, figs. 11-12. I am grateful to Mary A Littauer for identifying this gait.
5. Wenwu 1979.5, p. 27, fig. 12.
6. Personal examination in the offices of Robert Ellsworth, New York.
象形罇ぞうがたそん
中国 西周時代 前１０５０年－前９５０年頃
青銅 H-17.8 W-7.2
這件造型可愛的器皿結合了兩個互不相容的傳統。 頂部的圓筒形器物是安陽晚期至西周早期的酒器，由大象像支撐。 這是非常罕見的象形器。 它被認為產自周朝早期的華北地區，表現了周文化受西北小國中原文化啟發的獨特審美情趣。
這件青銅器被認為是周初製造的，繼承了商代傳統設計的元素，創造了一個寧靜的大象形象，象身上有龍紋，但又有一種獨特的氛圍，就是以大象作為器底。 其背上的器形源自商代酒器觶，通常作為單器使用。 自古作為禮器的盛酒器，其背面是敞口的，器身就是器皿，背面不置專器。可以這麼說，這應該稱為象器。
This charming vessel is truly unique.1 In conception, it combines unblended references to two artistic traditions. The attenuated upper container with raised ridges reproduces the rather bland form of late Anyang and early Western Zhou zhi wine cups, while the base is a handsome pachyderm.2 Although several containers in the shape of elephants are known, it is extremely rare to see vessels supported by animals of any kind.2 Among metropolitan Anyang Shang bronzes, there is an unusual group of ding cauldrons with flat legs resembling birds or dragons.2 More closely related are two zun believed to have been made in south China that are designed as free-standing, back-to-back animals supporting tall, rounded containers.5
In many ways, the decoration on this vessel resembles that on the southern buffalo zun discussed in the previous entry (cat. no. 80). This zun, however, was not created in the south, but in the north during the opening century of the Zhou dynasty. The Zhou, formerly rulers of a relatively small state in the northwest, united a loose confederation of regional powers that succeeded in toppling the Shang. A feudal system that sent the new elites--Zhou royal family members and their political allies--to lands far outside the capital was initiated, and regional cultures with distinctive styles gained greater exposure in northern metropolitan centers.6 This Shumei bronze vessel was an inspired creation without parallel made by unusual designers probably for an equally unusual patron during this period of notable innovation.
Despite the lack of similarly sculptural examples, the popularity of elephants in the early Western Zhou is indicated by the prominence of pachyderms in the ornament of more conventional early Western Zhou vessels. In relief versions, elephants are shown in profile with clipped ear, raised trunk, and cranial knobs, like those of the sculptured Shumei zun.7 On other vessels of the period, parts of the creature--head or simply trunk--are borrowed to serve as handles or legs.8 The only other Western Zhou sculptural vessel that takes the shape of an elephant is the remarkable later zun from Rujiazhuang, in Baoji, that lacks a supported vessel and illustrates a different approach to its subject.9
1. Formerly in the collection of Nai Chi-chang.
2. See, for example, the zhi in the Metropolitan altar set (no. 24.72.12) believed to come from a late Shang or early Western Zhou burial at Baoji, Shaanxi. See also Henan chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 1981, p. 369; Yinxu qingtongqi 1985, p. 229 (from an Anyang Phase IV burial); and Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 1980, pp. 41, 159.
3. An elephant zun from Liling, Hunan, is published in Wenwu 1976.7, pp. 49-50. Two other elephant-shaped containers, also believed to come from Hunan, are now in the Freer Gallery of Art (no. 36.6) and the Mus馥 Guimet (no. EO 1545). An elephant version of the Shumei vessel (cat. no. 80), also believed to be southern, is in the Sackler collections (no. V-195). In addition, two small elephants are among the hundreds of jades found in Tomb 5, Anyang, see Yinxu Fu Hao Mu 1980, p. 160, color pl. 29.1.
34 For example, three different bird- and dragon-leg ding were found in Tomb 5, Anyang: see Yinxu Fu Hao Mu 1980, color pl. 2, pls. 4.1, 12.3,4, and 13.1.
5. One is in the British Museum (no. 1936.11-18.1); the other is in the Nezu Museum: see Hayashi 1984, vol. 2, p. 246, nos. 12, 13.
6. See Rawson 1990, vol. 2a, pp. 25-73, especially pp. 38-46.
7. The curled dragon ornamenting each flank of the sculpture, however, is transformed into a simpler double spiral in the relief versions.
8. See, for example, the Yigong gui from Fangshan, Beijing, in Zhongguo gu qingtongqi xuan 1976, p. 27.
8. See Baoji Yu guo mudi 1988, vol. 1, pp. 293-94; vol. 2, color pl. 18, pl. 162. An even later object, described as a lamp, is published in Ma 1994, no. 1006. A long-snouted, early Western Zhou-period sculptural vessel called an elephant by William Watson seems to be some other animal: see Watson 1962, pl. 30b.
虎鎮こちん
中国・前漢時代前期 前２０６－前１００年頃
青銅、金、銀、玉、トルコ石、ガラス H-3.3 D-5
這些鎮用來固定地毯的四個角。 毯子似乎是鋪在地上，人們盤腿坐在上面。 這件作品上獸的逼真度並沒有因為豐富的金屬和半寶石的鑲嵌而減弱，反而奇特地增強了。
紅色瑪瑙的鑲嵌因其下方放置的紅色材料而更加突出，在老虎背脊的兩側，金色和綠松石交替鑲嵌，與兩排條紋形成色彩的韻律。 在它的尾巴上，金色條紋之間鑲嵌了瑪瑙和綠松石斑點。
During the early Western Han dynasty, the imperial Shanglin zoological park and hunting reserve adjacent to the walled city grew in size and importance.1 Conceived as a microcosm of the empire, it allowed the emperor and his courtiers to observe and study the various species of plants and animals known at the time. The site also provided the setting for orchestrated hunts and animal fights for the entertainment of the court.2 The excitement and energy of such beastly confrontations may have inspired these beautifully vibrant, naturalistic sculptures. On each of the four almost identical pieces, a prone bear is bettered by a feisty tiger. The bear crouches stolidly, his four clawed legs grasping the periphery of the disk. Conversely, three of the tiger's paws are planted firmly in the bear's flesh, its jaws biting the bear along its spine near the shoulders.
The beastly realism of these pieces is not softened but strangely enhanced by the rich surface inlays of metal and semiprecious stones. Gold alternates with agate--in a red bedding material that enhances the stone's color--and turquoise to create a chromatic rhythm of striped double rows on either side of the tiger's spine. On its tail, agate and turquoise dots are separated by gold stripes; on its shoulders and haunches, the stones reappear in isolation. Similar points, arranged in a band, encircle each tiger's neck like a collar. The bear's markings, characterized by a sprinkling of inlays, are equally rich but less naturalistic.
These luxurious objects had the practical function of anchoring the corners of ancient Chinese woven mats upon which people sat, cross-legged on the floor. Apparently used at banquets, even those laid out in tombs, four sinuous gilt-bronze leopards similar in size to the Shumei weights were found at the corners of a decayed mat also bearing bronze containers for food and wine in one burial.3 In the tomb of Dou Wan, consort of Liu Sheng, Prince Jing of Zhongshan (died 113 B.C.), four silver- and gold-inlaid spotted leopards were found in a cluster of objects including food and wine vessels along with other prized possessions.4
1. See Wang 1982, pp. 8-9; and Pirazzoli-t'Serstevens 1982), pp. 92-96.
2. See, for example, Sima Qian 1965, 117:3034. Perhaps the most famous ancient Chinese incident involving a bear, immortalized in the British Museum handscroll (no. OA 1903.4-8.1) attributed to Gu Kaizhi (about 344-406), involved an attack on the Emperor Yuandi (reigned 48-33 B.C.) in the women's chambers after a day spent watching animal fights; see Suzuki 1982, vol. 2, pp. 214-15, E260.
3. See Wenwu 1973.4, pp. 21-35.
4. See Hebei sheng 1980, vol. 1, pp. 265, 268; vol. 2, color pl. 26, pl. 183
水牛形罇すいぎゅうがたそん
中国 伝揚子江中下流域 華南青銅器時代 前１２００－前１０００年頃
青銅 H-16.3 W-8.6
早期的華北青銅工匠對自然世界只表現出有限的興趣。 然而，在中國南方，考古學家發現了許多以真實的動物為形狀的古代器皿。
很明顯，早期青銅器作者對具象造型特別感興趣，例如形成這些器皿形狀的水牛。 這種迷人的動物用四條僵硬而筆直的腿警惕地站著，它的臉部被表現為蓋子正面的延伸。 這件器物的表面繪有許多繼承自華北青銅器裝飾的圖案。
提梁卣 ゆうゆう
中国 伝河南省 商時代後期、安陽中期－後期 前１２００－前１０５０年頃
青銅 H-32 D-22 W-25.1
這件略呈橢圓形的酒器，整個器壁都是中國古代神靈「饕餮」的強烈表現，外底淺浮雕龜形爬行動物圖案。
據說當時舉行盛大的祭祀儀式時，都會用這些器皿來供奉祖先的膳食，這些器皿的大部分表面都裝飾有當時所崇敬的神靈的圖案。
At ancient ritual Chinese banquets offered to esteemed deceased ancestors, wine kept in imposing containers like this example was probably been ladled into warming tripods before being consumed, symbolically or actually, by the spiritual or mortal participants in the rite. Given this function, such ritual bronzes were highly prized possessions in antiquity.
Representing a vessel type that appeared relatively late in the Anyang period (about 1300-1050 B.C.), this you1 exemplifies the continued creativity of Shang bronze designers.2 Borrowing aspects from other kinds of ritual wine containers, bronze-casters created a hybrid vessel that related to two types with longer histories. The flattened oval body recalls the shape of the elliptical hu (a more attenuated, unlidded wine vessel), while the bail handle and its position--spanning the short axis of the container--and the curious beak-like projections from the sides of the lid reflect a type of earlier you that took the form of a pair of owls standing back to back. The different orientations of the primary relief masks on the lid and body attest to these diverse origins. On the lid, the contracted staring faces occupy the places formerly filled by owl heads on the back-to-back you. The beaks, relevant to owls but inexplicable elements on bovine masks, are preserved on the Shumei you, presumably for decorative effect. More elaborate masks, related to those on the lid, are on the body. Here, they adhere to the central axis on the broad flanks of the vessel. This axis also serves as the focus of all secondary relief motifs in the narrow registers of the body above and below. The design of projecting flanges extend the subdivisions of the decorated surface to the vessel profile.
Archaeologically recovered examples like this you have been found in tombs datable to the last century or so of the Anyang period.3 Strangely, the type did not survive long into the subsequent Western Zhou period (about 1050-771 B.C.): within the first century of the new dynasty, it was replaced by a kind of you with a handle spanning the long axis of the vessel, affecting the design of the vestigial beaks on the lid.4
Like all Shang bronzes, the Shumei you was manufactured using decorated clay piece-molds assembled around a clay core. Both the lid and body appear to have been cast in a four-division mold assembly, the sections of the mold corresponding with the vertical flanges. On vessels of this type, the handles were precast or cast on. In either case, it was locked over knobs projecting from the shoulder of the vessel.5 Neither body nor lid is inscribed, indicating that their casting cores were devoid of markings. The core used to create the hollow ring foot, however, was incised with a reptilian pattern that left a design in thin raised lines on the bottom of the vessel. The meaning and purpose of this and related relief patterns are unknown.
1. Although no Shang vessels of this type bear inscriptions naming them you, the term has designated this shape since the Song dynasty; see Hayashi 1984, vol. 1, pp. 70-71. The original function of such vessels is, in fact, also unclear, but the name is used to designate measures of wine in the famous early Western Zhou inscribed tripod, Da Yu ding.
2. See Bagley 1987, pp. 373-77.
3. With a few notable exceptions such as a you now in the Worcester Art Museum (no. 1940.18), believed to come from a middle or late Anyang burial, and a late Anyang you from Hui Xian, Henan (see Wenwu 1979.7, p. 79), most related vessels come from locations outside Anyang; see for example, Kaogu 1963.12, p. 646-47, for a late Anyang vessel excavated at Ningxiang, Hunan province.
4. See Rawson 1990, pp. 515-22.
5. Gettens 1969, pp. 88-92.
鳳凰形装飾ほうおうがたそうしょく
中国・前漢時代 紀元前３世紀－１世紀
鍍金青銅、ガラス H-10.2 D-9 W-4.9
這種鍍銅色的動物從鳥喙的頂端，經由頭部、頸部到胸腔身體有一條 S 形的線，翅膀從背部長出，向前下彎，與從後頸部到背部的線形成一個環狀。 尾羽從身體後方升起，形成另一個 S 型的流線。 腿部的附著位置比翅膀更靠前，形成猛禽所見的強壯、肌肉豐厚、腳趾鋒利的縱趾，附屬的腿部從下方的尾羽基部向外扇動。 頭頂、胸部、獸腿基部、尾羽背面和扇形腿上鑲嵌了藍綠色玻璃，而眼窩、頸部和尾羽兩側似乎已失去了以前的鑲嵌物，呈凹陷狀。
這件顯然是鳳凰形的動物，讓人聯想到中國傳統青銅器蓋上的鳳凰形，它有鳳頭、猛禽腿和象徵性的小翅膀，也讓人聯想到起源於歐亞草原的獅鷲，有猛禽的頭和猛禽的身體。 戰國時期透過北方游牧部落傳入中國的外來元素，在文學中被引進並漢化為吉祥動物，但在工藝世界中，透過與這些游牧部落的交涉，中國工匠在製作飾品的過程中學習到了以前在中國不為人知的元素，包括帶鉤。 中國工匠在製作帶鉤等飾物的過程中學習到了中國以前不知道的元素。
同一時期的例子包括 Kalon da 珍藏中的圓形裝飾瓦片，上面有猛禽的頭、猛禽的身體和偶蹄前腳的動物，*1 以及 P. Urdely 珍藏中有些造型的猛禽形飾物，上面有猛禽的腿，*2 尤其是後者，是猛禽的頭和身體從頭到身體都有裝飾，動物的腿在背部。 2 尤其是後者，從頭部到身體和尾羽的線條流動非常相似。
蠟鑄，頸部左側、右臉和尾羽下方有長方形的痕跡。 腹部可以看到一個長方形的孔，可能是用來固定東西的，下腹部有銘文，寫著「公」（圖 1）。
This gilt bronze animal is created in an S-curved shape from the tip of the beak to the chest and body, through its head and neck. It also has a loop formed by the contour of its back and curling wings. The tail, extending from the abdomen, creates another S-curve. Its legs, extending from the front of the body back under the wings, suggest a strong, muscular beast's hind legs with sharp claws. At the root of the tail, a fan-shaped supporting leg is attached. Pieces of greenish blue glass are inlaid at the top of the head, chest, shoulders and fan-shaped leg. At the eyeholes, neck, and both sides of the tail, there are empty holes, probably once similarly inlaid.
This animal, reminiscent of ornaments in the shape of a phoenix on the lids of traditional Chinese bronze vessels, has the head of a phoenix, a beast's hind legs and symbolic small wings. Some elements are similar to features of the mythical griffin of the Eurasian steppes, which has the head of a vulture and the body of a beast. Foreign mythical creatures imported by way of the Northern Nomads during the Warring States period were adopted into literary Chinese traditions as auspicious signs. Chinese artisans, on the other hand, learned the foreign elements, which had been unknown till then, through manufacturing ornaments such as belt hooks for the northern tribes in the process of trading with them.
Contemporary examples similar to this piece can be seen in the Calon da Collection, a roundel including a vulture-headed creature with beast's body and forefeet with hoofs;＊1 and also in the P. Uldry collection, a stylized vulture-shaped ornament with a beast's hind legs.＊2 The line of the latter, from its head to the tail through the body, is similar to the line of this piece.
This piece was cast in the lost-wax method, and some rectangular chaplets are found at the left side of the neck, the right side of the face and the back of the tail. At the bottom of the body, there is a rectangular hole, which is thought to have served for attaching the piece to something else. On the bottom of the supporting foot, a Chinese character has been incised which can be read as 'gong' (fig. 1).
1 J. F. So & E. C. Bunker/Traders and Raiders on China's Northern Frontier/Washington D.C. 1995 no.82
2 Rietberg Museum & P. Uldry/Chinesisches Gold und Silber/Zurich 1994 no.79
羊形灯ひつじがたとう
中国・前漢時代 紀元前２－１世紀
青銅
帯鉤（金銀象嵌龍形：一対）たいこう（きんぎんぞうがんりゅうがたいっつい）
中国・東周時代後期 5-3cB.C.
青銅、金、銀 D-9
這款腰帶掛鉤的人體右臂握住龍尾的中間，龍尾扭成一個大 S 形並向後轉，而手臂的另一端則是另一條小龍的頭部。 反面的 S 形中間有一顆圓鈕扣，用來固定在腰帶上，小龍的頭部則是一個鉤子，用來固定在腰帶的另一端。 龍的前腳從近底部開始變薄，呈鬆散的 S 型飄動，這大概是龍的典型代表小翅膀的表現。 龍身以半立體的形式構成，很少注意身側的表現，俯視的因素很強。
從人的手臂到小龍的右帶鉤比較長，龍頭、翅膀、四肢基部、人的手腕和小龍頭的金銀鑲嵌設計有微妙的變化。 左邊帶鉤的背面有銀色鑲嵌的鱗片圖案，釦子的表面也有金銀鑲嵌，但是右邊帶鉤的背面沒有，釦子現在也丟失了。
龍的姿勢、小翅膀的表情、細膩的粟粒紋、條紋和爪子都讓人聯想到戰國時期秦朝都城陝西咸陽第一宮殿遺址出土的龍紋天心磚上所見的架空龍，*1 大英博物館收藏的河南洛陽金村出土的東周時期的車廂配件上也有龍頭的表現，大英博物館收藏的河南輝縣出土的車廂配件上也有龍頭的表現，大英博物館收藏的輝縣出土的車廂配件上也有龍頭的表現。 龍頭與河南省洛陽金村出土、大英博物館收藏的東周車廂配件，以及河南省穀維村出土的車廂裝飾配件相似。 *2
1 文物1976年第11期；考古与文物1986.4
2 梅原末冶/洛陽金村古墓聚英/京都1937 no.52; 文物1984年第10期
この帯鉤は、大きくＳ字に身をくねらせ後方を振り向く龍の尾の中程を人間の右腕が握り、その腕の端は小龍の頭部になっている。裏側のＳ字の中央に帯に取り付けるための丸いボタンが付けられ、小龍の頭部には帯の端をかけるための鉤になっている。龍の前脚付け根には小翼を表現している。２体の帯鉤はほとんど同形の型によって製作されているが、人間の腕から子龍までの鉤の部分は右の方が長く、金銀象嵌意匠に変化を持たせている。龍と手の組み合わせは大変希なものであるが、蜀（四川地域）に由来する意匠に伝統的に見られ、東周末に秦に併合されたこの蜀とのかかわりがあるのかも知れない。
The dragons in this pair of belt hooks are S-shaped and look back at their tails. A human right hand grasps the middle of each dragons'tail. The other end of the human arm forms the head of another smaller dragon. In the center of the S-shaped back, there is a round button on a short stem for attaching to the belt. The head of the smaller dragon forms a hook to catch the end of the belt. Small projections with a slightly curving, slender S-shape, from near the joint of the dragons' front paws, are probably an expression of the small wings which are a typical feature of such dragons. The body of the dragon is semi-three dimensional, rather like a relief. The hook shows essentially a birds-eye view rather than a fully expressed dragon body.
These two hooks were apparently cast in almost the same-sized mold. However, the length of the right hook from the human arm to the smaller dragon's head is longer than that of the left hook. The motifs of gold and silver inlay on the large dragons' heads, wings, the joints of the paws, the human wrists, and the smaller dragons' heads, are varied. The surface of the back of the left hook is inlaid with silver, expressing scales. The area around the button is inlaid with gold and silver. However, there are no inlays on the back of the right hook and the button is now missing.
The expression in this dragon, including the shape of the body, the small wings, the millet-grain-shaped pattern in details, the pattern of lines, and the appearance of the claws, is reminiscent of dragons featuring a birds-eye shape found on bricks with which were excavated from palace No.1 in Xianyang, the capital of the Qin in Shaanxi Province during the Warring States Period.＊1 The representation of the dragon heads shows similarities with the dragon heads on chariot fittings in the British Museum from Luoyang-Jincun in Henan Province and from Guweicun Huixian in Henan Province.＊2
辟邪文様蓋へきじゃもんようふた
中国 東周時代後期 前４世紀後期－前３世紀
青銅、金、銀 H-3.6 D-13
這件圓形器物從其大小、邊緣的高度以及反面邊緣周圍的溝槽來看，似乎是一件已經失傳的木質漆器蓋子。 溝槽被黑色的硬化物所覆蓋，可能是黑漆的痕跡。 垂直邊緣有四個等距的長方形孔，孔上有青銅把手的痕跡，但現在都已破損、遺失。
The size of this roundel, the height of its sides, and the trench around the edge on the underside suggest that it may have been the lid of a lacquered wooden vessel, now disintegrated. The trench contains crusty black material, probably the remains of black lacquer. Four rectangular cavities distributed regularly around the vertical edge each hold the remains of what might have been attachments for bronze handles, now broken and lost.
The design on top, bounded by a narrow border of diagonal volutes and spirals, is closely comparable to catalogue number 95 in the shapes of the motifs, inlay techniques, color effects, complexity, and dynamism. A snake, its sinuous body distinguished by a silver-inlaid scale pattern against a dense sea of gold-inlaid scalloped scrolls, spans the diameter of the top in a rough S-shape. Its head appears at one end, with gold-rimmed mouth wide open and revealing two sharp, silver-inlaid fangs. The rest of the roundel is filled by convoluted scrolls, inlaid with gold, that may be the bodies of one or more creatures. These creatures are illusive: sharp, silver-clawed, muscular limbs, one clutching the snake's body while another extends over into the border, suggest the presence of a feline. But its head cannot be found. A third, slenderer, leg (of a bird?) also ends in sharp silver-inlaid claws near the edge. Scattered among the scrolls are striated or spotted semicircular elements that further suggest the feathers of a bird. Again, no head can be seen. The energy of the writhing serpent and gyrating scrolls, made even more palpable by the molded surface of the design, gives these ambiguous zoomorphic forms an unusual vitality.
Few designs from the late Eastern Zhou period can match or surpass this example. A close comparison, however, is another unparalleled design, painted on the lid of a lacquer box in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, where the density of the painted scalloped scrolls, dynamic energy, ambiguity between zoomorphic and purely ornamental elements of the design, and even the proliferation of circlets and textured accents on the scrolls are all duplicated.1
1. Garner 1979, pl. 12.
鳥形装飾盤とりがたそうしょくばん
中国・春秋時代末期－戦国時代初期 5cB.C.
青銅、顔料象嵌 H-23.3
這件鳥支板的柿形口沿飾有雙鳥圖案，板中央圓環淺刻所謂景泰藍與雷紋結合的圖案。 圓柱形，頂端開光呈六角星形，從圓盤外底中央向下延伸，吞吐柱身，鳥頭直指上方，背上垂下絲帶狀頭飾，頂端分為三瓣。 它強壯的頸部形成一個 S 型，通往結實的身體，翅膀和尾羽在頂端彎起，形成流暢的流線。 鸷鳥健壯的腿部從身體向下支撐著整個上半身，腿部的爪子抓著兩條蛇，以淺線條雕刻的方式呈現在下方鼎的表面上。 蛇以鏡面對稱的方式交纏在一起，鳥抓著的部分特別凸出，呈現出三維的效果。 板的邊緣和鳥的身體鑲嵌藍色、綠色和紅色的顏料。 這種顏料鑲嵌裝飾非常罕見，在紐約和香港的私人收藏以及陝西省寶雞的花瓶上都可以找到。 1
鳥和蛇的圖案在整個東周王朝都很普遍。 河南省穀縣琉璃河漢墓出土的一件狩獵圖案罐，據說是公元前五世紀早期的作品；哈佛大學福格藝術博物館出土的一件動物圖案罐，外壁紋飾的最上端有一隻鷹抓蛇的鳥。 頭飾上有飾帶，翅膀和尾羽的頂端上翹。 在同一座栗閣墓出土的壁板外壁上，鳥翅膀羽毛的動作與本作品上的鳥翅膀相當相似。 *2
在中國山西省長治支126號戰國墳墓出土的豎板上，可以看到同類型的豎板，上面支撐著一個站在犀牛上的人物*3。 類似立體鳥的例子還有江蘇省水山里出土的一件東周時期的罐蓋上附著的鳥。 4 克利夫蘭藝術博物館收藏了一件與此件幾乎相同的木板。 *5
1 J. J. Larry/Arts of Ancient China/Spring 1990；國家文物局/中國文物精華大全/1994香港
2 Charles D. Weber/Chinese Pictorial Bronze Vessels of The Late ChouPeriod/Artibus Asiae XXIX 2/3, XXX 2/3
3 文物1972年第4期
4 考古1973年第2期
5 J. Keith Wilson/A recently acquired archaic sculptural bronze/Oriental Art Winter 1992/3
This piece consists of a plate with petals at the rim supported by a bird figure standing on another plate which serves as a base. The plate supported by the bird figure has a fringed edge, and its upper surface has a ring of incised interlocking circles and leiwen motifs near the center of the plate. Each petal in the fringed edge around the plate is engraved with the motif of a pair of birds. The underside of the petaled plate shows a hexagram design around the supporting shaft, which appears to come out of the beak of the bird. The bird stands with its beak pointing straight up, and has a headdress of ribbon divided into three parts at the end. The supporting bird figure gives the impression of strength in its smooth curves; it has a thick S-shaped neck, a stout body, and sweeping up-curved wings and feathers. The bird's powerful talons hold firmly to the base, grasping raised sections of two entangled mirror-image snakes mostly shown two-dimensionally incised on the base. The flower-petal fringe of the upper plate and the body of the bird are inlaid with blue, green, and red pigment. This type of inlay is quite rare, though there are examples of pots with similar inlay work in personal collections in New York and Hong Kong. Also, a pot with similar inlay work was excavated at Baoji in Shaanxi province.＊1
Motifs using birds and snakes are often seen in work from the Eastern Zhou period. A pot with a hunting scene attributed to the 5th century from Liulige tomb, Jixian, Henan Province, and a pot with an animal pattern owned by the Fogg Art Museum at Harvard University both use the motif of a bird grasping snakes. The birds in these pieces also have ribbon-like head ornaments, and their wings and tails also curve upwards. Bird wing motifs on the outside of a basin from the same tomb have feathers with similar movements to those on this bird.＊2
An example of a plate supported by a man standing on the back of a rhinoceros was excavated from the Warring States tomb 126, Changzhifenshuiling, Shanxi province.＊3 A solid bronze bird similar to this one is seen on top of the lid of a jar dated from the Eastern Zhou period, excavated in Lianshui Sanliduan, Jiangsu province.＊4 There is a bian almost idencial to this one in the Cleveland Museum collection.＊5
臥牛形鎮（一対のうち）がぎゅうがたちん
中国・東周時代後期 4-3cB.C.
青銅、銀 H-5.7 D-15 W-8.4
這兩隻折疊四肢躺著的牛，姿勢和身體表面的設計都是鏡子對稱的。 身體表面飾以銀嵌雲紋鳥紋，肩部和臀部可見鳥頭。 腳底和腳頸上飾有小圓圈、條紋和小米紋，眼睛上飾有小米紋和與眉毛相對應的條紋，喉部的皺紋用波浪線表示。 眼睛鑲嵌黑色寶石。
這件器物被認為是用來固定毯子的四角的鎮，而且可以想像是對稱的一套，通常是四件或更多件。 這些鎮也代表玉器，如鼎和犀牛，但從周朝到漢朝，很多鎮都是金屬製成的。 1
兩隻牛頭的中間各有第三隻短角，可能有某種神獸的涵義。 在河北省平山縣中山國墓出土的青銅神獸上也可以看到這個短角。 2
已知的周代銅牛包括安徽省壽縣邱家花園出土的銅牛、山東省平陰県孝直村出土的銅牛、巴黎私人收藏的一對銅牛，以及MIHO MUSEUM收藏的一隻銅牛。 3
1 文物1983年第6期
2 文物1979年第1期
3 文物1959年第4期；劉振清編/齊魯文化/香港1995; C. Deydier/Chinese Bronzes/New York 1980 no.65; MIHO MUSEUM 南館図録/1997 no.92
These two recumbent oxen, with all four legs folded, show mirror-image symmetry both in their forms and surface patterns. The surfaces are decorated with cloud-like bird motifs of silver inlay. The heads of birds can be seen around the shoulders and rumps of both oxen. Small circular motifs, line motifs, and grain motifs are executed from the hips to the ankles, grain motifs around the eyes, and line motifs as eyebrows. The wrinkles of the throats are represented by wavy lines. Black stone is inlaid for the eyes.
These oxen figures are thought to have been used as weights to anchor the corners of woven mats, which were usually made in symmetrical sets of four or more. The word 鎮, which now means simply a weight, originally referred to those made of jade such as zhen and xi. There are many extant examples, however, made of various metals from the Zhou period on through the Han periods.＊1
Each ox head has a third short horn between the regular ones, which adds divine significance. The same type of short horn is also seen on the bronze divine animal excavated from the tomb of Zhongshanguo in Pingshanxian, Henan Province.＊2
Three other examples of bronze oxen from the Zhou period are known; the ones found in Quizin Huayuan Shouxian, Anhui Province and in Xiazhicun Pingyinxian, Shandong Province, a pair of ones in a personal collection in Paris, and one in the Miho Museum.＊3
帯鉤たいこう
中国・漢時代 3cB.C.-3cA.D.
金、トルコ石 D-10 W-5.9
這款帶鉤有一條大龍和七條小龍，由錘金墊圈和金線製成。 大龍在水下隱藏腹部，而在水面上露出起伏的身體，小龍則依附、緊貼或漂流在母龍周圍，就像幼龍依附在母龍身上一樣。 大的金粒代表龍背脊，小的金粒則構成龍身的鱗片，沿著水面上起伏的金線鑲嵌，各處的水滴形框內鑲嵌綠松石。 圓形的一端穿有一個月牙形的窄孔，孔中穿有一條帶子，在孔的一端有一個扣子穿過帶子上的孔。 整件作品的邊緣是一條扭曲的金線和一條鑲嵌綠松石的菱形帶子，華司的兩側鑲有鑽孔，以便將其固定在帶子上。
此處所使用的顆粒金技術是透過與中國北方游牧部落的長期接觸從西方傳入中國的技術之一，起源於公元前三千年的亞洲西部。 它的特點是金粒細緻，金線由細金條纏繞而成，焊接方法複雜。 在內蒙古出土的東周末年至漢代初年的頭飾和耳環，以及廣東省出土的漢前鈕扣中，都可以看到這種金器。 1
在中國，一般認為從東周時期開始使用的傳統繞鉤，繞鉤上附有鈕扣，繞鉤的另一端為鉤，到了漢代，繞鉤逐漸被這種通過帶鉤環固定繞鉤的繞鉤所取代。 2
新疆維吾爾自治區樂浪縣和雲南省出土了這種帶鉤的例子。 根據 Pirazoli 的說法，這些帶鉤可能是在中國製造，然後帶給這些偏遠地區，就像在諾因烏侖發現來自中國的絲綢和漆器一樣。 3 在稍後的西晉墳墓中出土了一件類似的器物，但它的構圖較為平面，被認為是漢代器物的複製品。 *4
1 Natural History Museum of Los Angeles County/Empires Beyond The Great Wall/Los Angeles 1994; 文物出版社/西漢南越王墓/北京1991
2 J. M. White & E. M. Bunker/Adornment for Eternity/Denver 1994
3 Michelle Pirazzoli-t'Serstevens/The Han Dynasty/New York 1982
4 J. M. White & E. M. Bunker/ibid. 1994
これらの類例についての多くの情報を提供いただいたエンマ・C. バンカー博士に深甚なる謝意を表したい。
We would like to express our deep gratitude to Dr. E. C. Bunker a lot of information of those relative examples. who provided
The decoration on this buckle consists of one large dragon and seven small dragons made with gold granules and threads on three-dimensionally modeled gold sheet in repousse. The large dragon has a sinuous body and appears on the surface of water with its belly under the water. The small dragons surround the large one as if they were a pack of baby dragons with their mother, some holding on, some floating nearby. Larger granules are used on the spines of the dragons, and smaller ones for their scales and to form wavy lines of water in combination with gold threads. Tear-shaped turquoises are inlaid, framed by somewhat wider gold strips. On the rounded end of the buckle, there is a crescent-shaped slit to allow the belt to pass through, with a pin on one side to hold the belt. The buckle is framed with twisted gold strip and lozenges inlaid with turquoise, and has small holes to fix to the belt on its flat side.
The granulation method used here was one of the techniques introduced to China from western regions through trade with Northern Nomads from ancient times. The method originated in Western Asia in the 3rd millennium B.C. This buckle features small gold granules, threads of twisted thin strips and sophisticated soldering. Earlier examples in China can be seen in headdresses and earrings from the Eastern Zhou period up through the Han period, and in Western Han buttons excavated in Guangdong Province.＊1
During the late Han period in China, buckles of the this type, with a slit to allow the band to pass through and a pin to fasten it, are thought to have gradually replaced the type which was traditional during the Eastern Zhou period, which had a button to attach it to the band and a hook for fastening it.＊2
Almost identical examples are found in Lelang, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, and Yunnan Province. According to Pirazzoli, similar to the situation with silk and lacquer pieces found in the Non-Ula, these buckles seem to have been made in China for vassal princes from the border areas.＊3 A slightly later example found from a Western Jin tomb, which is somewhat flat in composition, seems to be a copy of Han pieces.＊4
亀型香座（一対）かめがたこうざ
中国・東周時代末期－前漢時代初期 紀元前３世紀－前２世紀
青銅、金、銀、タカラガイ H-10.5 D-9.3 W-6.5
馬小像うましょうぞう
中国・前漢時代 紀元前２世紀
金 H-25.4 D-6.3 W-30.9
畫家運用逼真的技術捕捉了這匹灑脫的馬的四肢。 修長的四肢、厚實的胸部和肌肉豐滿的臀部傳達出這匹馬的奔跑能力，而向前伸展的長頸和頸根處隆起的胴體表明這匹馬代表了一種來自西方的新品種，有別於秦始皇兵馬俑中的馬。 1981 年 5 月，在茂陵陪葬墓最大的一個無名塚周辺發現的銅鎏金馬（高 62 厘米、長 76 厘米）上，也可以看到類似的逼真馬形。 由於這座無名冢出土的許多青銅器上都有「陽信家」的铭文，因此被認為是武帝的妹妹陽信長公主之墓。
眾所周知，葬於茂陵的武帝為了尋找良馬，曾遠征大宛（費爾加納），在大正四年（公元前 101 年）帶來的一匹馬比烏孫的馬優越，武帝非常感動，把武孫的馬改名為 「西極馬」。
順便說一下，如果仔細觀察這匹馬的表徵，就會發現其兔首形象、鼻樑向外突出的臉部、修長的軀幹、一次上昇而後向臀部下降的腰部、尾根部向後突出很遠的臀部形狀等特徵，與圖 2 中的騎兵馬和圖 9 中的陶馬是一致的。 至於金馬，有論者指出它的重量為 7 公斤，約為 30 公斤，相當準確地對應當時一磅的單位，這表示它與武帝出征大宛前，以千金賜使者以商討良馬的金馬有關聯。 如果可以假設圖版 2 與 9 的金馬與雍的共通特徵重現了在大文馬之前傳入漢地的烏孙馬的特徵，那麼這種聯想就會更加強烈。
順帶一提，這匹馬的形態特徵，如長頸、高胴、長軀幹等，讓人聯想到今土庫曼斯坦（即前大宛國的西部地區）的名馬阿哈爾特克，告訴我們它與大宛馬有密切的關係。
The long limber form of this horse is shown realistically. The staunchly extended legs, thick chest, muscular haunches all convey the horse’s power. The long neck, extended forward, and forelock, swept back, all reveal a horse form from the west, unlike the horse figurines found at emperor Shi Huangdi’s tomb. This same kind of realistic horse expression can be found in a gilt bronze horse (height 62 cm, length 76 cm) discovered in May 1981 in one of the subsidiary trenches in the vicinity of Wumingzhong, the largest domain among all the subsidiary tombs of the Maoling tomb. The majority of the bronzes excavated from this Wumingzhong site were inscribed Oyangxinjia,O and thus it is thought that this was the tomb of Princess Yangxinchang, sister of emperor Wu, who died around Yuanfeng 1 (110 BC) after her remarriage to Weiqing.
Emperor Wudi, buried at Maoling, sent ambassadors to Ferghana (Dayuan) in search of good horses. He was impressed by the horses that he received in Taichu 4 (101 BC) from that search, were superior to Wusun horses. This led the emperor to give the Otianma,O or celestial horse, designation to the Ferghana horses, switching it from the previous designation of Wusun horses by that name. He renamed the Wusun horses, Oxijima.O
However, close examination of this horse reveals that it has a ram-head with flaring nostrils, long torso, raised haunches with descending back line, and high tail placement. These characteristics can also be seen on the horses at cat. No. 2 and cat. No. 9. This gold horse weighs approximately 7 kilograms, which is approximately 30 yin, or about a single unit of the jun measure used during that period. We can thus consider that there might be some connection between this gold horse, and the gold horse and the 1,000 gold pieces sent with the emperor’s emissary to use in exchange for the horses before his military campaign in Ferghana. If we were to consider that this gold horse, and those seen at cat. Nos. 2 and 9 are representative of the characteristics of the Wusun horses who were in China before the Ferghana horses, this connection might be considered all the stronger.
These characteristics, the long neck, high forelock, long torso, etc., also reflect the features of the Akhal-Take horse which is famous in the Turkmenistan region today, or the western region of ancient Ferghana. This horse’s features are similar to those of the Ferghana horses.
鴟梟卣しきょうゆう
中国・殷後期（安陽期） 12-11cB.C.
青銅 H-17.9 D-13 W-15.6
這件帶蓋燈籠的長方形甕，造型為夔貓頭鷹，兩隻貓頭鷹背靠背。 蓋中央附有倒饕餮圖案的屋頂形蓋鈕，長軸兩端伸出猛禽的喙，形成圓圓的大眼睛。 器壁浮雕兩對翅膀，兩對鳥足以簡潔的鳥爪圖案支撐器身。 短軸上的纏繞繩狀燈籠現在幾乎中央破損，以簡單祭祀頸的環耳固定在器皿上。
安陽時期的盂器形制大致可分為狹罃盂與扁罃盂，兩者皆以鵩鳥為器物的主要設計特徵。 貓頭鷹圖案本身也出現在安陽時期其他形式的器皿上，但貓頭鷹的形式同樣應用在鼓起的器腹形狀上。 特別是，從安陽時期晚期的四足無梁、鳥形圖案朝內的器型，到短軸上有锛的師父足型（與此類型相似），再到蓋兩端以鵩鳥喙為主要圖案的圈足型（如MIHO博物館所藏的一件安陽時期晚期的玉＊1，其蓋上有鵩鳥喙的痕跡，並以饕餮圖案為主要圖案），可以認為是一系列扁平的玉器的發展。 本壺的蓋上有貓頭鷹喙的痕跡，並以饕餮紋為主圖案。 *2
安陽時期晚期的師父鵩鳥形玉，有的布料上填有雷紋，有的如本玉，則沒有雷紋，環耳上的簡化祭祀頭像圖案也不一定比安陽時期晚期的低。 類似的例子有山西省石楼県二郎坡出土的*3。
This lidded elliptical vessel with a bail handle is a kind of you with a shape like a pair of owls standing back to back, representing the so-called owl you. The roof-shaped pull placed in the center of the lid bears the inverted taotie design. On either end of the long axis, the beak of the owl protrudes, flanked by a pair of round eyes. Two pairs of wings are bas-reliefed on the sides of the vessel, which are supported by two pairs of feet with simple talon-pattern. The short handle resembling braided rope spanning the short axis has corroded and broken in the center. Somewhat plain semi-circular rings with a design of an animal's head attach the handle to the body of the vessel.
You came in two shapes in the Anyang period cylindrical and elliptical but their common, major design elements recall owls. The owl design itself can be found in other types of vessels in the Anyang period, where the owl skillfully fitted into the bulging shape of the vessel. A stylistic evolution of the following sort can be proposed: a beginning phase in which four-legged, handleless you were created with the design of two owls facing each other, followed by the next phase in which a handle was attached to the vessel spanning the short axis on a you, with a design of two back-to-back owls, and a final stage in which you are exemplified by one at the Miho Museum (cf. Catalogue of the South Wing, no. 78).＊1 In this last phase, the Miho Museum piece attests to common elements of these you at the end of Anyang period a pair of beak-like projections on the lid, dominant use of taotie design, and the elliptical base.＊2
The surfaces of the back-to-back owl you dated to the late Anyang period are left plain without the usual thundercloud design. The rather plain animal-head design on the rings for the bail handle should not be considered to be evidence that the present piece should be dated later than the late Anyang period. A similar example can be found in the you from Erlangpo Shilouxian, Shanxi province.＊3
臥豹形鎮（一対）がひょうがたちん
中国・前漢時代 紀元前３世紀－１世紀
青銅、金、銀 H-4.5 D-6.5
獣形脚じゅうけいきゃく
中国・東周時代後期 紀元前４世紀－前３世紀
青銅、銀
這件從尾部到頸部呈 90 度劈開的虎形端配件，似乎是支撐著長方形的板狀器的四角。 器身的口部有一環，尾部鑲嵌虎紋圖案，從器身架的前肢根部沿著器身可以看到鑲嵌的翅膀圖案。
山西省侯馬峪村出土的春秋晚期至戰國時期的陶器上也有這種帶翼虎的表現，但這種元素是起源於中國的晉代，再加上鳥頭獸身上的虎紋、翼紋也是起源於類似的晉代，這就表明受到了來自歐亞草原、西亞等地的外來元素的影響。 這樣的虎圖像或許導致了戰國時期建立的四神中包含的白虎的心理形象。
銅虎（一対）どうこ
中国・西周時代 紀元前９世紀－前８世紀
青銅
這件青銅虎身上的｛｛｛｛，是西周虎紋，青銅虎四肢底部的龍紋也顯示是西周晚期的形式。 此外，此處所見的虎背向的姿勢很可能來自歐亞草原，從春秋末期到戰國與這些地區的交流更加活躍時，中國北方的青銅器上又出現了這種姿勢。
自商代以來，虎與龍的頭部造型有很大的相似性，這種四肢和舌頭修長的虎可能與人們心目中龍的形象重合。 這些被認為是戰車的裝飾。
寫在美秀博物館成立一週年之際（1998）
美秀博物館盛大開幕已經過去一年了。正是因為我們的朋友和同事們的大力支持、關心和鼓勵，我們才得以慶祝我們的一週年。
我必須再次向貝聿銘表示感謝：是他最先將我們的博物館設想成一個藝術、建築和自然和諧共處的地方。感謝他鼓勵我們將博物館建設成為一個具有國際視野的機構。
感謝那些在博物館建設過程中辛勤工作的人，以及所有在博物館建設過程中幫助我們的人。
起初我們非常擔心是否會有人會願意花時間來到這樣一個美麗而偏遠的地區來參觀一個博物館。然而，參觀者的數量遠超過了我們最初的預期。過去的這一年，我們的許多客人特地從國外趕來，許多人強烈推薦他們的朋友在日本停留期間來參觀我們的博物館。
這讓我們非常感動。
我特別推薦通體錯金銀的中國漢代 "龜形香爐」。雖然它很小，但卻是一件令人印象深刻的強大藝術品。
我也希望我們的客人會在博物館的茶室和餐廳停留。在那裡，他們可以放鬆並花時間享受美秀特別準備的食物和飲料。所有提供的食物和飲，所有的食物和飲料都是由在日本各地收穫的原料經自然農業法製成的。
在過去的一年里，我們獲得了許多新的和有益的經驗。似乎隨著一年的時間過去，美秀博物館已經很好地融入了自然美景之中，獲得了一種更深的寧靜感。
在規劃美秀博物館時，我們的雄心壯志是要創造和維護一個人們會在乎和喜愛的地方 —— 一個人們願意一次又一次造訪的地方。
一年後，我想重申這一目標。我們感謝大家對我們的熱情支持。並期待著在未來接待更多的遊客。
小山裕子
1998年
美秀文化基金會主席
Founder Mihoko Koyama
A Seeker of Beauty
Born in Osaka in 1910, Mihoko Koyama was raised in a household that treasured Japanese seasonal events and customs. After graduating from an all-girls high school, Koyama was driven by her artistic aspirations to enter the Jiyu Gakuen Girls’ School in Tokyo. During her time there, the Christian-influenced idea that we are born in this world to serve humanity left a strong impression on Koyama. Her life on campus also taught her the importance of life learning and of independence combined with collaboration. These principles and attitudes would remain cornerstone ideas for the rest of her life.
The next milestone in her life was meeting Mokichi Okada (1882 – 1955), a philosopher and spiritual leader who later became her life teacher. Okada held that the true nature of civilization lies in the realm of beauty—the realm of art. Under his tutelage, Koyama devoted herself to a life of faith, ultimately founding the spiritual organization, Shinji Shumeikai.
Under the influence of Okada’s ideas, Koyama came to believe that finding and experiencing objects of beauty could exalt the spirit and bring beauty to the world at large. This conviction led her to devote her life to world peace and happiness.
MOA美術館創辦人 岡田茂吉 Mokichi Okada (1882 – 1955)
小山美秀子（Koyama Mihoko）女士在1910年生於大阪，成長於對日本四季節慶活動與習俗極為重視的家庭。女子學校畢業後，因嚮往高尚情操而進入東京自由學園就讀。小山女士深受「人生在世，就應為社會奉仕」這句本於基督教精神的教誨感動；透過住校生活學習到的「生活即教育」及「獨立與協調的精神」，奠定她往後人生的基礎。
其後，小山女士結識哲學家暨精神性導師岡田茂吉（1882～1955）先師，並終身奉其為恩師。岡田先師提倡「真正的文明世界，換言之即為『美的世界』，也就是『藝術的世界』」，小山女士也在其帶領之下一心一意踏上信仰之道，創立神慈秀明會。
小山女士承繼了岡田先師的思想，秉持著「追求並接觸美麗的事物，可培養出高尚情操，進而孕育出美麗社會」的信念，為世界和平與幸福奉獻出自己的一生。
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