「明 黃花梨四出頭大禪椅」，精選珍貴黃花梨為材，形制特大，超出一般四出頭官帽椅甚多，近似寶座。椅盤為長方形4：3比例，空間寬大深闊，可供盤足結跏趺坐（打坐）。搭腦與扶手四出頭，盡端均削至平整，不以光潤的圓頭作結。臥弓形彎弧搭腦，平視為直形，俯視呈弓形；一木雕刻為三段相接狀，中段向上硬折拱起，即隨彎弧造形而向兩端出頭伸展，層次分明，前後連貫，遒勁中兼具秀媚，儼然為雕塑手法。搭腦居中開槽，納入寬面靠背板，適與其上選木材勻稱天成的紋理相映生輝。靠背板弧度流暢自然，置設於禪椅最顯著部位，成為視覺焦點，其對稱美的本色紋理與紅潤光澤，更顯雋永大方。
椅盤四框內緣鑿孔裝軟屜，維持原初入藏時之破損狀態，未經修葺，保持原貌。軟屜分為三層，先用棕索穿網目作底，表層用細如琴弦的藤絲編織成細密的藤屜；中層再用寬藤皮編成界格，可防止表底層過多接觸而致磨損。軟屜頂面四框內緣。保留原始狀態的木壓條與方形木楔釘，故前輩王世襄先生（1914〜2009）嘗言：考究的家具其藤屜總是又細又密。椅盤背面採用非硬木方材連結框邊，製成兩組丁字形彎帶，四面皆相同結構。此製虛中有實。實中抱虛。同時也兼及了超逸空靈的審美趣味。
椅盤下安羅鍋棖、矮老，腿足之間設步步高棖，四腿足、羅鍋及聯幫棍皆用素圓材，外圓內方，下略粗，上略細，以照應活榫結構，完備可開可合的高妙設計。
後足上截穿過椅盤，納入彎弧搭腦，一木連作，前腿也是相同造法。四足側腳收分明顯，沉穩凝重，是古代大木架構運用於明式家具的典範。前腿間施一方材起劍脊棱成腳踏棖。劍脊棱中間高，兩旁斜仄，猶如寶劍之劍背。左右及後方的管腳棖用素圓材，中間也起劍脊稜，平易中見變化。平出形扶手素圓材，嵌入後腿上截，蓋住前腿上截頂端及中承的聯幫棍。
挺拔聳立的高扶手，氣勢恢宏。扶手與搭腦的截平面，其刀法剛勁明快。允稱絕技。管腳棖下亦安窄羅鍋棖，與弓形搭腦皆拱起含蓄的彎弧曲線，寓方於圓，搭配樑柱架構的豎橫直線，線條簡練，曲直相濟，剛柔調和，比例勻稱協調，完善大禪椅的整體視覺美感。
晚明 黃花梨四出頭大禪椅
A rare and exceptional huanghuali yokeback meditation chair, chanyi,
Late Ming dynasty
of exceptionally large proportions and masterfully constructed, the flat-ended top rail with a single piece of wood superbly carved to look like three connected segments with the middle piece sitting slightly higher than the other two, the centre of the top rail connecting to the gently curved wide black splat with a tongue-and-groove joint, the arm rest similarly flat-ended and supported by front and supporting posts, the top rail of the chair resting on stiles running through the seat to form the back legs, echoed by the arm rests resting on the front posts and extending through the seat to form the front legs, all four legs constructed slightly splayed, the interior of the seat frame with a three-layered soft mat with an underwebbing of palm rope below two layers woven of varying strips of rattan, above stepped apron bars and short vertical struts, the two front legs further connected by a footrest and an arched rail, the sides with stretchers above similarly arched rails and the back legs with a stretcher, all designed and executed with an utmost attention to detail and clean outlines
86.5 by 62 by h. 101 cm
Provenance
Acquired in the early 1990s.
於1990年代初獲得
Literature
Wang Tzu-jen,'Lianwu wubainian: Yongxin deng yijian jiaju, he ta shenghuo yibeizi'[500 years of love: patiently waiting for and spending a lifetime with a piece of furniture], Business Weekly, Taipei, vol. 977, August 2006, pp. 12-18.
Wang Tzu-jen,'Zai xifang jingdian jiaju kanjian Mingdai sheji meixue--Rang Yamanni ye fengkuang de laoyizi' [Ming dynasty aesthetics in western classics - the old chair that enthralled Giorgio Armani], Business Weekly, Taipei, vol. 977, August 2006, pp. 26-30.
汪資仁，〈戀物五百年 用心等一件家具，和它生活一輩子〉，《商業週刊》，第977期，2006年8月，頁12-18
汪資仁，〈在西方經典家具看見明代設計美學－－讓亞曼尼也瘋狂的老椅子〉，《商業週刊》，第977期，2006年8月，頁26-30
The exceptional Ming-dynasty huanghuali meditation chair is a masterpiece crafted from precious rosewood, so large that it approaches a throne in size. Its design features a spacious 4:3 rectangular seat suitable for cross-legged sitting, with distinctive flat-ended top rail and armrests. The headrest, top rail, and back splat are intricately carved to exemplify a clean outline and showcase the wood's natural grain, particularly evident in the wide curved back splat that serves as the focal point of the chair. The chair includes a soft mat with three layers, preserved in the state in which it entered the collection, adding to its elegance. Other remarkable elements include the slightly arched apron bars, unique leg design, and graceful stretcher placement, all of which demonstrate a blend of solidity and ethereal beauty. The superbly sleek lines, harmonious proportions, and masterful craftsmanship of the chair's overall design combine to create an exceptional and visually striking meditation chair.
禪椅與西方極簡主義美學
禪椅具有源遠流長的悠久歷史，其形制較一般椅子高大闊深，對於靠背、椅盤特別的講究，具有獨特的形制、功能與工藝特色，是唯一結合禪修和坐具功能的中國古典家具。禪椅融合了禪宗清寂古雅、文人平淡天真以及明式家具簡約凝鍊的美學，向來被認為是明式家具中的奇品。
存世明代禪椅極其稀罕，原美國加州家具博物館有黃花梨大禪椅一座（圖一）。前輩伍嘉恩先生贊曰：黃花梨禪椅。基本是玫瑰椅式，座面寬大，闊而深，成正方形，可供人盤坐結跏趺坐。椅盤下安羅鍋棖加矮老，腿足間用步步高趕棖，唯獨靠背椅框內與扶手下的空間，均不安任何構件，令禪椅感覺空靈，頗能輔助坐者結跏趺坐沉思入定。極度簡約空靈的禪椅十分符合二十世紀極簡主義藝術（Minimalism）理念，被西方有心人士發現後，頓時成為家具界明星、藝術傳媒寵兒。在無數書籍刊物中出現，明朝家具空靈疏朗之美的代表之作。[1]
明式家具在歷史上對西方家具的風格產生過相當的影響。十五世紀鄭和下西洋，將黃花梨、紫檀等硬木帶回中國，工藝巧匠開始運用這些硬木製作家具。這些文人參與設計的中國家具，從十六世紀開始，隨著絲綢、瓷器等傳到歐洲。至一次世界大戰以後，由於家具史學術研究的逐漸深入、推廣，有更多明式家具的元素，包括線條簡練、造型極簡、講究結構比例等風格特點，被西方設計師所借鑒採用。例如，現代主義藝術家、建築師兼家具設計師馬索，布魯易（Marcel Breuer）在1925年為畫家康定斯基（Wassily Kandinsky，1866〜1944）在包浩斯學院（Bauhaus）職員休息室設計的「華西里椅」（Wassily Chair），就被認為和大禪椅在結構與比例上相當神似，蔚成東西方美學、極簡主義家具一個美麗的巧合。[2] 禪椅在中國古典家具中的重要性與代表性，由此可見一斑。
禪椅簡史：從「繩床」到「椅子」
欲探究「禪椅」在中國古典家具的源流與發展，吾人有必要回顧中國椅子的歷史。如所周知，上古時期的中國沒有「椅子」，人們席地而坐，直到漢代，「榻」、「床」才成為貴族或上層社會使用的坐具；今人所熟悉，有靠背、扶手的坐具－－「椅子」，則源自於「繩床」（梵語：pītha），為一種倚背垂足之坐具，亦即帶有靠背、扶手、藤繩編製座屜（椅盤）的高腳坐具，可能因椅盤有藤繩編成類似蒲團的墊子，因而得名。學者咸認「繩床」是隨佛教從印度，經中亞傳入中國，可能在西晉或更早之時，已出現在中國的寺院中。「繩床」初傳入中國時，只有極少數的寺院僧人使用。到了盛唐至晚唐時期，帝王、宮廷貴族、部分居士以及與佛教有接觸的人也開始使用；宋初以後，「椅子」才逐漸普及於一般庶民，此一從低坐具（席、床、榻）到高坐具（繩床、椅子）的演進發展，不僅引發家具、陳設型態與室內空間的轉變，也全面改變了中國人的社會與起居生活，佛教可謂是古代中國人接受與使用椅子的關鍵因素。[3]
根據學者研究，「繩床」此一名稱出現在西晉、唐代以迄南宋的文獻之中，最早為《高僧傳》所記載，西晉高僧竺佛圖澄（232～348）：「澄坐繩床，燒安息香。」其後「繩床」逐漸世俗化，在文獻中大量出現，尤以唐代為最。由於繩床有後背可倚，所以漸漸有人以「禪床」、「倚床」稱之，中唐以後則出現「倚子」、「椅子」這兩個同義詞，「倚」字說明了繩床有背靠可倚，而可以背靠正是椅子的特點。宋代以後，垂足坐椅習慣日趨普遍，「椅子」逐漸取代「繩床」一詞，成為約定俗成的名稱。[4] 唐代文人（官員）與僧侶、禪僧往來頻繁，受禪僧影響，有使用繩床以及跏趺打坐參禪的習慣，例如《舊唐書》記載詩人王維（692～761）：「齋中無所有，唯茶鐺、藥臼、經案、繩床而已，退朝之後焚香獨坐，以禪誦為事，妻亡不再娶。三十年孤居一室，屏絕塵累。」[5] 白居易〈愛詠詩〉：「辭章諷詠成千首，心行歸依向一乘。坐倚繩床閑自念，前生應是一詩僧。」[6]。又，白居易〈在家出家〉詩：「中宵入定跏趺坐，女喚妻呼多不應。」[7] 此詩表述詩人對於打坐的專注入迷，以及禪定後如明鏡止水般的心境，以至於妻女在旁邊多次呼喚，都置若罔聞，也反映禪坐對唐代文人思想與生活的影響。
「椅子」為尊者之座
用於參禪打坐的「繩床」坐具圖像最早可以追溯到西魏，敦煌莫高窟第285窟中繪有僧人趺坐其上的「繩床」（圖二）[8]，此「繩床」以朱色輪廓畫成，搭腦左右出頭，兩側扶手不出頭，床板（椅盤）畫有交叉的網狀格紋，表示其用棕繩或藤繩編成，椅盤深闊寬大，可供禪修者趺坐其上。這是迄今所見年代最早繩床（禪椅）圖像，可視為「禪椅」的前身。[9] 唐代高元珪（684～755，玄宗宦官高力士之兄）墓壁畫有一人垂腳坐於一大型繩床上，壁畫雖損毀，但殘餘部分與日本正倉院藏「胡床椅」（圖三）[10] 相似，此坐椅為奈良時代聖武天皇遺物，或曾作為天皇御用寶座，為光明皇后奉獻佛前，反映了東傳日本的盛唐風格，椅為木質，搭腦出頭、椅腳等處鑲有銅製箔板，座屜深、寬各約70餘公分，顯較一般椅子寬闊，盤面為藤材編織物，可供盤腿趺坐。傳唐代閻立本《蕭翼賺蘭亭圖卷》（圖四）[11] 畫中辨才和尚的坐具，在椅盤和靠背上都可見由藤材編成，類似蒲團一類的墊子，此畫雖為宋人摹本，然與上述其它圖像，相當程度反映了早期的「繩床」樣貌。
除了僧侶、文人外，唐代帝王也使用繩床。事實上，繩床從寺院流傳、普及於民間的過程中，唐代宮廷或許居中扮演了重要的媒介角色，如《貞元錄》記載，出生於南印度摩賴耶國的高僧金剛智（梵語：Vajrabodhi，669～741）離開印度前往大唐傳法時，該國國王差使武將相送，並請其向大唐進獻方物，其中就包括七寶繩床，開元八年（719）金剛智抵洛陽，備受玄宗優渥禮遇，這應是最早擁有繩床的帝王之紀錄[12] 唐代帝王使用繩床最著名的例子是《資治通鑑・唐紀》記唐穆宗「上於紫宸殿御大繩床，見百官」。宋元之際的史學家胡三省（1230～1302）對此註解指出：「余按交床、繩床，今人家有之……繩床，以板為之，人坐其上，其廣前可容膝，後有靠背，左右有托手，可以擱臂，其下四足著地。」[13] 胡三省以本人所見當時（宋末元初）的繩床為證，確立「繩床」是廣可容膝、後有靠背、左右扶手以及坐板（椅盤）的四足單人坐具，也就是後世（宋代）以後人們所稱的「椅子」、「禪椅」的前身。由上述所舉繩床之例，吾人亦可知，最早的世俗化的「椅子」或為帝王寶座，或為官員座椅，俱為「尊者之座」。[14]
「禪椅」之名始出現於宋代
「禪椅」，顧名思義，是供僧侶、禪師或修禪者趺坐參禪的坐具，在歷史上的出現、發展，與佛教的寺院生活息息相關；然而「禪椅」此一名稱從何而來，仍有待考察，根據已知的文獻顯示，「禪椅」一詞最早可能出現於宋代，南宋禪僧釋志磐《佛祖統紀》記瑩珂法師：「瑩珂受業……既而擇一室，面西設禪椅，不食，念佛三日，夢佛大士謂之曰：汝尚有壽十年。且當自勉。」[15] 元人脫脫撰《宋史》記載以佛教為國教的占城王國（今越南中部）：「王每日午坐禪椅。官屬謁見膜拜一而止，白事畢復膜拜一而退。」[16] 南宋周密（1232～1298）《齊東野語》曾錄有北宋初丁謂（962～1033）詩：「飽食緩行新睡覺，一甌新茗侍兒煎，脫巾斜倚繩床坐，風送水生來耳邊。」由此詩第三句「脫巾斜倚繩床坐」之描述，可見宋初仍有人知道可倚之「椅子」原來稱為「繩床」。[17] 宋代「禪椅」之名逐漸普及，可能和「椅子」一樣，是一個約定俗成的名稱。
值得注意的是，由於僧侶以「繩床」或「禪椅」作為坐禪入定的工具，往往因此「一生晝夜不臥」，也就是形成夜間坐著睡眠的習慣，繩床有後背可供倚靠是主要因素。因為久坐感覺疲倦，可以倚代臥，得到休息，這是從繩床發展而成的特殊生活方式。[18] 關於此說，本文補充一則有趣的記錄，以資佐證，活躍於北宋末南宋初的詩人王庭珪（1080～1172）曾作七絕詩〈遊沅陵劉道人菴中唯一禪椅不置臥榻 云不睡四十年矣 戲作二絕〉：
一菴茅屋白雲深，坐待丹砂欲變金。
誰信菴中人不睡，滿池春水聽龍吟。
九曲江邊雲欲凈，三更海上月華孤。
金刀直入滄溟底，奪得驪龍頷下珠。[19]
王庭珪至沅陵造訪其修道煉丹的朋友劉道人，詩題中言其友人家中沒有置睡榻，只設一禪椅，且劉道人自稱已四十年沒有睡覺了，言下之意他幾乎晝夜不臥，都在這張唯一的禪椅上打坐修行。此詩反映至少在北宋末已有「禪椅」之名，而且「禪椅」不限於佛教寺院僧侶之用，道教修行、煉丹的道人也使用禪椅，從唐代的繩床到宋代的禪椅，隨著名稱的變化，從而「名實相符」、主要供禪坐修行的功能也就此確立。
宋代的禪椅雖無實物流傳，但畫史中與佛教相關的畫作有不少描繪禪椅的圖像，可藉以想見其面貌，以下舉《大理國描工張勝溫畫梵像卷》、《宋人畫羅漢圖》、《五山十剎圖》為例簡要介紹。《大理國描工張勝溫畫梵像卷》（圖五）[20] 是最具代表性的宋時禪椅圖像，畫卷一段描寫東土「禪宗七祖」各自趺坐於七把禪椅上，禪椅形制寬大、氣度非凡，或為樹枝、木質、竹製等，裝飾各異，各具特色，搭腦或兩端上翹如弓，或雕成龍、鳳形，或後背飾雲頭紋、網格窗櫺紋等組合；共通點為椅盤深闊寬大、高後背、四出頭的扶手椅。宋人《畫羅漢圖》（圖六）[21]
所描繪的則是不同類型的禪椅：扶手出頭，舖有蓆墊，前後足與座面飾有雲紋牙頭，惟後背搭腦與扶手齊，較為低矮，高不及背之半，此或所謂的「折背樣」，近似於明代的玫瑰椅。《五山十剎圖》是入宋日僧所作南宋禪寺大剎的實錄，為南宋江南寺院最翔實完整的資料，其中包括禪寺內椅子、床榻、屏風等家具的詳細圖樣，如「靈隱寺椅子」、「徑山方丈椅子」、「前方丈椅子」等（圖七）[22]，雕飾華麗，其靠背、扶手或搭腦雕飾花紋、卷葉紋、蕉葉與靈芝紋等，常見於宋代家具或器物。
回顧唐代「繩床」到宋代「椅子」的發展歷史，最早的「禪椅」來自於域外，隨佛教傳入中國，一開始僅有寺院內僧侶使用，其後進入宮廷，演變成為皇帝寶座，也成為官員、文人日常生活的重要坐具，是為尊者之座。可以說「禪椅」是中國最早的「椅子」（高腳坐具）。到了宋代，禪椅發展已相當成熟，不僅形制多樣，裝飾亦較繁複華麗，可見後世的扶手椅、燈掛椅等椅式之雛型。禪椅相較於一般椅子，座屜寬大而深闊、靠背高，扶手、搭腦厚實，屜面延續早期繩床的作法，運用藤繩、麻或棕等較為柔軟舒適的材料編織而成，以肆應結跏趺坐的需求。
禪椅與晚明文人生活與品味
明式家具研究先驅王世襄《明式家具研究》一書引用晚明范濂（1540－1609在世）《雲間據目抄•風俗》的記載，討論明式家具在隆慶、萬曆年間這段關鍵時期的發展：
細木家夥，如書桌、禪椅之類，余少年曾不一見。民間止用銀杏金漆方桌。自莫廷韓與顧、宋兩公子，用細木數件，亦從吳門購之。隆萬以來，雖奴隸快甲之家，皆用細器。而徽之小木匠，爭列肆於郡治中，即嫁裝雜器，俱屬之矣。紈絝豪奢，又以椐木不足貴，凡床廚几棹，皆用花梨、癭木、烏木、相思木、與黃楊木，極其貴巧。動費萬錢，亦俗之一靡也。[23]
根據此段報導，嘉靖末期，書桌、禪椅等細（硬）木家具在松江一地仍屬少見，民間只用銀杏木金漆方桌，後來才有莫廷韓、顧、宋公子等人開始由蘇州（吳門）購入細木家具。王世襄又舉王士性（1547－1598）《廣志繹》：「姑蘇（蘇州）人聰慧好古，亦善仿古法為之……又如齋頭清玩，几案床榻，近皆以紫檀、花梨為尚。尚古樸不尚雕鏤，亦皆商周秦漢之式。海內僻遠，皆效尤之，此亦嘉、隆、萬三朝為始盛……」之記載為證，闡述明式家具從原來崇尚貴重、華麗轉向古樸、不尚雕鏤的蘇式風格，此種古樸的作風來自於「好古」的蘇州。王世襄並舉南京博物院所藏「黃花梨夾頭榫式素牙頭鐵力面心畫案」為佐證，該案一足上端有篆書銘刻題識：「材美而堅，工樸而妍，假爾為憑，逸我百年。萬曆乙未元月充庵叟識。」（1595）[24] 為蘇州老中藥店雷允上家故物，蘇州向以手工藝著稱，晚明時期更是製造貴重家具中心。然而，一個社會出現新的時尚與風格，必然有其支持者與贊助者的推波助瀾之力，才能促成風潮。如所周知，晚明文人崇尚好古、自然與質樸，反對過度雕鏤，可知蘇州好古之風的成因，不脫文人審美意趣的影響。
無獨有偶，本件「黃花梨大禪椅」據聞是由上海松江釋出，即源自上述「莫廷韓與顧、宋兩公子」所居之松江府一地。莫廷韓即莫是龍（字雲卿，更字廷韓，1539～1587），著名書畫家，善草書，收藏甚富。范濂《雲間據目抄》云其「生平鄙牙籌會計，惟蓄圖書數千卷及古名人字畫數千幅。」顧、宋兩公子，顧姓為江南大姓，僅明代松江府，就有諸多聞名遐邇的顧氏大家，可能指與莫是龍並稱「雲間二韓」的顧名世（1507～1588）次子顧斗英（字仲韓），或畫家顧正誼、顧正心兄弟（十六世紀末十七世紀初）。宋或指宋旭（字石門，1525～1605）或畫家宋懋晉。上述南京博物院藏「黃花梨夾頭榫式素牙頭鐵力面心畫案」，該案銘刻題識者「充庵叟」則為潘允端。潘允端（1526～1601），字仲履，號充庵，直隸上海縣（今上海市）人。嘉靖四十一年（1562）進士，曾任刑部主事、四川右布政使等職。萬曆五年（1577），因受權貴排擠，遂稱病辭官，返回故里。生平擅詩文、通園藝、愛好戲曲、收藏古玩，是上海名園「豫園」的建造者。《雲間據目抄》卷五形容豫園中樂壽堂「深邃廣爽，不異侯門勳貴……大江南綺園無慮數十家，而此堂宜為獨善。堂之左即方伯公讀書精舍也，內列圖史寶器玩好之物，如瓊林大宴，令人應接不暇，足稱奇觀。」卷二又云「近年從吳門購戲子，頗雅麗，而華亭顧正心、陳大亭繼之。松人又爭尚蘇州戲，故蘇人鬻身學戲者甚眾……」其引領時尚風潮之盛，由此可以想見。
莫、顧、宋等人皆為晚明「松江派」畫家，潘允端為當時隱逸名士、收藏大家。「松江派」泛指松江地區一批藝術品味相近、筆墨技法切磋互補、書畫鑒賞往來交流甚密的隱逸文人畫家群體，彼此或有師徒或姻親關係，如松江派代表畫家董其昌（1555～1636）即莫是龍父親莫如忠的學生；潘允端三子潘雲夔（光祿）為莫是龍的女婿，董其昌曾多次由潘光祿手中獲取如董源《龍宿郊民圖》、郭熙《溪山秋霽圖》等畫史名跡。[25] 允端四子雲鳳次女嫁董其昌長子董祖常，其侄潘雲章長女則嫁董祖和，故莫、董、潘三姓實為兒女親家。[26] 松江派不僅於書畫藝術異軍突起，在工藝器用的設計製作、使用與鑒藏，也蔚為出類拔萃、引領風尚，導一時之先的影響力。如潘允端之弟潘允徵（1534～1589）之墓於1960年出土，墓中發現大量明器家具，這批家具模型真實反映萬曆時期的明式家具實物，也佐證晚明文人群體之品味對明式家具尚古風潮的重要影響。
晚明文人對於禪椅十分重視與講究，對於材質與型制各有不同審美標準，尤好不露斧鑿之痕的天然竹木、藤製禪椅，反對過度雕鏤。如明代戲曲家高濂（1527～1603）偏好木竹製，水磨竹器佳，斑竹亦可，形制須高大，椅背枕首闊厚，始得受用：「禪椅較之長椅，高大過半，惟水摩者為佳。斑竹亦可。其制惟背上枕首橫木闊厚，始有受用。」[27] 文震亨（1585～1645）認為「專諸禪椅」是俗式，斷不可用。[28] 主張禪椅須以天台藤或古樹根製成，須瑩滑如玉，不露斧鑿之痕者佳：「以天台藤為之，或得古樹根，如虬龍詰曲臃腫、槎牙四出，可掛瓢笠及數珠、瓶鉢等器，更須瑩滑如玉，不露斧斤者為佳。近見有以五色芝黏其上者，頗為添足。」[29] 屠隆（1543～1605）《考槃餘事》則記吳破瓢道人以天台藤、大理石與百衲拼布製成禪椅：「嘗見吳破瓢所製，採天台藤為之。靠背用大理石，坐身則百衲者，精巧瑩滑無比。」[30] 反映了文人崇尚天然、古雅質樸的審美品味。
在文人品味引導下，明式家具以「材美而堅，工樸而妍」為主要審美標準，講究材美工良，形制、造型由原本雕鏤繁複，一變而為線條簡練俐落，比例和諧適度，構造精巧絕倫，予人以簡練樸素之感，此即王世襄所概括明式家具五美：「木材美」、「造型美」、「結構美」、「雕刻美」以及「裝飾美」。[31] 以本件「黃花梨大禪椅」為例，誠如本文開篇所分析，無不完美體現此五美，尤其五美之首「木材美」，珍貴的硬木如黃花梨，係以天然紋理勝，花紋婉轉迂迴，如行雲流水，變幻莫測，不須施多餘斧鑿，呈現天然質樸之美。又如「雕刻美」，弓形搭腦弧度的彎轉疾緩，硬折拱起，無不恰到好處，其刀法剛勁明快。允稱絕技。
禪椅：晚明文人怡養動用事具
歷史學者巫仁恕在研究晚明消費社會與士大夫的專著中，討論物的商品與特殊化現象，在針對晚明的家具文化分析指出，書房、書齋對於士大夫與文人而言，可謂是他們的文化資本（cultural capital），易言之，是表現他們擁有知識或思想形式的一種財富，用來支持他們身份地位和權力的合法性。由於文人文化在社會上的傳播，加上商品經濟所形成的奢侈消費現象，晚明時期，只要有財力，一般人都可購置這些原本屬於士大夫與文人擁有的文化資本，於是書房不再是文人、士大夫們的專利，根據上述范濂的報導，當時能擁有書房者，已不僅限於官員、士人，甚至連皂快衙役都有能力置辦一個自己的書房。因此文人開始在書房家具上銘文或題跋，內容往往與道德、學問與政事相聯繫，這是將書房家具特殊化、神聖化，以抵制商品化的一種方式。[32]
除了在書房家具刻銘或題跋外，文人也採另一種方法抵抗世俗的商品化，那就是重新擴充並定義書房家具的材質、陳設種類品項以及佈置方式等，以明雅俗之別，彰顯文人的審美品味，同時作為自我標榜身分地位的象徵，禪椅就是其中非常重要的代表性家具。高濂《遵生八箋》〈高子書齋說〉一文闡述文人書齋應有的陳設布置：
書齋宜明凈，不可太敞。明凈可爽心神，宏敞則傷目力……旁置洗硯池一，更設盆池，……或置鼎爐一，用燒印篆清香。冬置暖硯爐一，壁間掛古琴一……或奉名畫山水雲霞中神佛像亦可。名賢字幅，以詩句清雅者可共事。上奉烏思藏鏒金佛一……壁間當可處，懸壁瓶一，四時插花。坐列吳興竹凳六，禪椅一，拂塵、搔背、棕帚各一，竹鐵如意一。右列書架一……」[33]
他主張，文人書齋中除了書籍、文房器用、琴棋書畫和鼎爐清玩以外，也應供奉烏思藏鏒金佛等神佛像，並設拂塵、如意、竹凳、禪椅等，以助禪坐清修。除了將禪椅列為書齋必備家具外，高濂在《遵生八箋•起居安樂箋》中，更將禪椅列為「怡養動用事具」，也就是怡情養性必備事具之一。他認為「人能安所遇而遵所生，不以得失役吾心，不以榮辱縈吾形，浮沉自如，樂天知命，休休焉無日而不自得，是非安樂之機哉？」至於文震亨（1585～1645）則主張另設丈室以置臥榻、禪椅：「丈室宜隆冬寒夜，略仿北地暖房之制，中可置臥榻及禪椅之屬。前庭須廣，以承日色，留西窗以受斜陽，不必開北牖也。」[34]「丈室」本來為佛教用語，出自《維摩詰經》，指維摩詰臥疾之室，文殊等以問疾為由前來與之討論佛法，一丈見方的斗室。在此丈室係指供冬季避寒的小室，在特定的季節時令供文人讀書靜養之用。
對比於唐、宋時期，晚明的禪椅已不再侷限寺院高僧的日常修行之用，而是進入多數文人的生活，成為書齋中不可少的家具，甚至列為參禪修行、習靜養生的必備事具，可謂極具時代特色與意義。書齋本是文人最自我私密的空間領域，如晚明陳繼儒（1558－1639）《太平清話》所言，文人在書齋內焚香、試茶、洗硯、鼓琴、校書、禮佛、嘗酒、宴坐、翻經、看山、臨帖等，皆為「一人獨享之樂」。其中所謂「宴坐」或作「晏坐」、「燕坐」，即「禪坐」、「參禪」之意。禪椅的整體形制與設計，本質上即在圈圍出一個將禪坐者與外界隔離、既疏朗而又空靈的空間，其可倚可靠的舒適機能，也讓使用者能長時間於其上結跏趺坐。質言之，書齋中的禪椅即是一個文人自我獨享、獨處亦復獨坐的世界。晚明文人有習靜觀心之風，在修齊治平的仕宦理想破滅，或退隱閒居的平淡歲月之中，以此滌煩忘憂、安頓身心，因此參禪打坐、修身養性成為文人閒居生活的重要內容，於書齋或丈室內設置禪椅，並備置神佛像、如意、拂塵以及棕帚等道具，自必應運而生，而其中扮演最具代表性、最重要角色的禪椅，自有其獨特的時代象徵意義。
與方外之人的參禪修行不同的是，晚明文人除了藉此彰顯自身的審美情趣和生活品味外，也以此標榜自己與眾不同的身分地位。如學者指出，晚明文人於案頭同時備有儒家經典、佛老之書，文人在書齋內置設禪椅靜坐禪修，其意終究不在遁入空門，而是想在顛沛仕途、隱逸生活之中覓得逃禪出世的一方淨地，以閒雅心境以化解塵世生活中的種種失意。[35] 無論如何，這都是只有文人才能有的「獨享一人之樂」。
[1] 伍嘉恩，《明式家具經眼錄》（北京：故宮出版社，2015），頁132-133。
[2] 汪資仁，〈在西方經典家具看見明代設計美學－－讓亞曼尼也瘋狂的老椅子〉《商業週刊》第977期（2006年8月），頁26-30。
[3] 參見：柯嘉豪（John Kieschnick），〈椅子與佛教流傳的關係〉《中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊》第六十九本，第四分（1998年12月），頁727-763。其後該文收入柯嘉豪，《器物的象徵：佛教打造的中國物質世界》（新北市：遠足文化，2020），頁281-311
[4] 翁同文，〈中國座椅習俗以及椅子名稱的起源與普及〉附錄〈繩床資料編年總表〉，收入翁同文遺著，宋德熹編《中國科學技術史論叢》（台北縣板橋市：稻香，2004），頁223-239。另參見：崔詠雪，《中國家具史－坐具篇》（台北：明文書局，1994），頁88-98。
[5] (後晉)劉昫等奉敕撰；(清)沈德潛等考證，《舊唐書》，〈王維〉，收入(清)紀昀等奉敕編；宋衛平，徐海榮主編，《文瀾閣欽定四庫全書》（杭州：杭州出版社出版，2015），子部，第265冊，卷190，頁589。
[6] (唐)白居易，〈愛詠詩〉，收入孫通海，王海燕責任編輯，前引書，卷446，頁5032
[7] (唐)白居易，〈在家出家〉，收入孫通海，王海燕責任編輯，前引書，卷458，頁5233。
[8] 圖版引自：中國壁畫全集編輯委員會編，《中國敦煌壁畫全集》（天津：天津人民美術出版，1989-2006），第2冊，圖版184，頁171。
[9] 參見：邵曉峰，〈敦煌椅子圖式的另一種詮釋—以《舍利弗宴坐》為例〉《中國國家博物館館刊》（2019年1月），頁103-109。
[10] 圖版引自：韓昇著，《正倉院》（上海：上海人民出版社，2007），頁47。
[11] 圖版引自：蔡玫芬主編，《精彩一百 國寶總動員》（台北：故宮博物院，2011），頁234。
[12] 參見：柯嘉豪，前引文，頁751。
[13] (宋)司馬光編著；(元)胡三省音註，《資治通鑑》（上海：上海古籍出版社，1987），卷242，頁1667。
[14] 崔詠雪，前引書，頁109-110。
[15] (宋)釋志磐撰，《佛祖統紀》，收入復旦大學圖書館古籍部編，《續修四庫全書》第1287冊（上海：上海古籍出版社，1987），卷27，頁344-345。
[16] (元)脫脫等撰，《宋史》，（北京：中華書局，1985），第40冊，卷489，頁14078。
[17] (宋)周密《齊東野語》，收入(清)紀昀等奉敕編；宋衛平，徐海榮主編，《文瀾閣欽定四庫全書》（杭州：杭州出版社出版，2015），子部，第885冊，卷17，頁739。另參見：翁同文，前引文，頁239。
[18] 翁同文，前引文，頁250。
[19] (宋)王庭珪，《盧溪文集》，收入(清)永瑢，紀昀等總纂，《文津閣四庫全書》（北京：北京商務印書館據中國國家圖書館藏本影印，2006），第1138冊，頁192。
[20] 圖版引自：李玉珉，《妙香國的稀世珍寶：大理國〈畫梵像〉研究》（台北：石頭出版社，2023）。
[21] 圖版引自：林莉娜主編，《畫中家具特展》（台北：故宮博物院，1996），頁42。
[22] 圖版引自：張十慶編著，《五山十剎圖與南宋江南禪寺》（南京：東南大學出版社，2000），頁132-135。
[23] (明)范濂著，《雲間據目抄》，收入：王德毅主編，《叢書集成三編》（台北：新文豐出版公司，1999），第83冊，卷2，頁394。
[24] 王世襄，《明式家具研究》（北京：生活•讀書•新知三聯書店，2010），頁7-11。
[25] 張晴晴，〈再論『潘光祿』究竟何人—兼論莫是龍與上海潘家的交往〉《榮寶齋》第5期（2016），頁132-139。
[26] 凌利中，〈百代標程——董其昌的藝術超越及其相關問題〉，收入：山西博物院，上海博物館編，《百代標程：董其昌書畫藝術》（太原：山西人民出版社，2019），頁3-29。
[27] (明)高濂撰，《雅尚齋遵生八牋》（北京：書目文獻出版社據明萬曆十九年自刻本縮印，1988），卷8，頁221。
[28] 蘇州城區西北部有一專諸巷，相傳春秋時勇士專諸葬於此，位在閶門內，為明清時期江南手工藝業者聚集之地。晚明時期該巷有專製禪椅者，故有此名。
[29] (明)文震亨撰，陳劍點校，《長物志》（杭州：浙江人民美術出版社，2012），卷6，頁88-89。
[30] (明)屠隆撰，陳劍點校，《考槃餘事》（杭州：浙江人民美術出版社，2012），卷3，頁303。吳破瓢，名孺子，字少君，蘭谿（今浙江省蘭谿縣）人，家故饒貲，中歲妻死，盡棄其產，購古法書名畫，遊江湖間，心靈手巧，製器精絕。《列朝詩集小傳•丁集》記其「性最巧，所規制，必精絕。搜抉珍怪，陵斷谿絕壑，以必致為快。踰天台石梁，採萬歲藤，屢犯虎豹，製為曲杌，可憑而寐，以數縑市一大瓢」，浪跡江湖之奇人也。
[31] 王世襄，〈明式家具五美〉《錦灰二堆 壹卷》（北京：生活•讀書•新知三聯書店，2003），頁59-60。
[32] 巫仁恕，《品味奢華：晚明的消費社會與士大夫》（台北：中央研究院、聯經出版事業，2007），頁243。
[33] (明)高濂撰，《雅尚齋遵生八牋》（北京：書目文獻出版社據明萬曆十九年自刻本縮印，1988），卷7，頁201-202。
[34] (明)文震亨撰，陳劍點校，《長物志》（杭州：浙江人民美術出版社，2012），卷1，頁26-27。
[35] 朱彥，〈明代禪椅設計與明人習靜之風〉《中國藝術》（2018年第11-12期），頁84-89。
Meditation Chairs and Western Minimalist Aesthetics
Meditation chairs have a long history. In their design, they are both taller and wider than the average chair, with particular attention paid to the back splat and seat. Exhibiting formal, functional, and artisanal qualities, they are the only piece of classical Chinese furniture that unites Buddhist practice with functional seating. Meditation chairs tangibly fuse the quiet elegance of Chan Buddhism with the simplicity of the literati as well as the streamlined aesthetic of Ming furniture, and have long been considered masterpieces of Ming furniture. Ming meditation chairs are extremely rare and one large huanghuali example was held in the now-closed Museum of Classical Chinese Furniture, Renaissance, California (fig. 1), which was praised by Grace Wu Bruce for its generous proportions and masterful composition that are conducive for sitting peacefully and meditating. She also noted that the clean outlines of the meditation chair fit in beautifully with the aesthetic of 20th-century minimalism, that it garnered international acclaim and recognition for its representation of Ming furniture’s sleek beauty.[1]
Historically, Ming furniture influenced Western furniture styles. In the 15th century, Zheng He brought rosewood, sandalwood, and other hardwoods back to China from his voyages, and craftsmen began making ingenious use of these materials in furniture. Such designs began spreading to Europe after and by the 20th after World War I, Western furniture designs saw an increased incorporation of Ming furniture characteristics, such as sleek lines and a close attention to structure and proportion. For example, modernist artist, architect, and furniture designer Marcel Breuer designed the Wassily Chair in 1925 for Wassily Kandinsky (1866-1944), which resembles a meditation chair in its structure and proportions, testifying to a beautiful fusion of the Eastern and Western aesthetics in minimalist furniture.[2]
A Brief History of Meditation Chairs: From Woven Seats to Chairs
The origins and development of the meditation chair are deeply rooted in the history of Chinese chairs. The ancient Chinese did not have chairs (yizi) because they sat on mats on the floor. It was only in the Han dynasty that low couches (ta) and beds (chuang) evolved as seats for the nobility or others in upper-class society. The kind of chair that is familiar to us today - one that is higher off the ground and has a back and armrests, stemmed from the woven seat or corded chair (shengchuang, from the Sanskrit pītha). This seat was higher and had a mat seat woven of rattan or rope, which perhaps explains its Chinese name. Scholars believe that woven seats travelled along with Buddhism from India to China via Central Asia and that they may have appeared in Chinese monasteries in the Western Jin dynasty or even earlier. When woven seats were first introduced into China, they were used in very few monasteries, and by the high or late Tang periods, the emperor, court aristocrats, some lay Buddhists, and people who were familiar with Buddhism had begun to use them. It was only after the early Song dynasty that chairs gradually spread among ordinary people. This evolution from low-rise seating (mats, beds, and couches) to high-rise seating (woven seats and chairs) brought about shifts in other furniture, décor, and interior space, but it also completely changed Chinese people’s social and home lives. Buddhism could be considered the key to the acceptance and use of the chair among the ancient Chinese.[3]
Scholars have found that the term “woven seat” (shengchuang) appeared in documents from as early as the Western Jin, Tang, and even Southern Song dynasties, with the earliest reference from Western Jin monk Fotucheng (232-348) in Biographies of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng zhuan). The woven seat was gradually secularised and appeared more often in written documents, particularly in the Tang dynasty. Because the woven seat had a back splat on which to lean, it also became referred to as a “meditation bed” (chanchuang) or “leaning bed” (yichuang). After the mid-Tang dynasty, the word for “chair” (yizi) appeared with two different characters for yi. One of the variants showed that woven seats had a back splat on which the user could lean on. After the Song dynasty, sitting in a chair with one’s feet on the floor was increasingly common, and the word “chair” gradually replaced “woven seat,” becoming the common term for this piece of furniture.[4] The Tang literati and officials were heavily influenced by Buddhist monks and adopted the woven seat as well as the practice of sitting cross-legged in meditation, which is reflected in contemporaneous literature, such as the Old Book of Tang (Jiu Tangshu), which described Wang Wei (692-761) to have owned a corded chair (shengchuang) and meditated extensively for decades after his wife passed away.[5] Bai Juyi's seated meditative practices were also outlined in his poems, including “I Love to Improvise a Poem”[6] and “At Home, Giving Up Home.” [7]
The Chair as a Seat of Honour
The earliest image of a woven seat used for meditation can be traced to as early as the Western Wei dynasty, depicted in Mogao Cave No. 285 (fig. 2).[8] Painted with a crisscross, net-like pattern, suggesting that it was woven of rope or rattan, the seat was also spacious enough for the monk to sit cross-legged. In this early image of a woven seat, we see the precursor to the meditation chair.[9] A mural in the Tang-dynasty tomb of Gao Yuangui (684-755, brother of Gao Lishi, minister to Emperor Xuanzong of Tang) depicts a figure sitting on a large woven seat with his feet on the floor. Although the mural has been damaged, the remaining portion is similar to the “barbarian bed-chair” (huchuangyi, fig. 3)[10] in the Shōsōin Depository in Japan. This chair had either been used by Emperor Shōmu in his household or as a throne during the Nara period, showing that the high Tang style had travelled east to Japan. After his death, his wife, Empress Kōmyō, presented treasures and objects he enjoyed during his lifetime to Tōdai-ji. In Xiao Yi Trying to Obtain the Lanting Scroll (Xiao Yi zuan Lanting tujuan)(fig. 4)[11] attributed to Tang painter Yan Liben, the monk Biancai is depicted in a chair with a woven rattan seat and back, which resemble rush cushions. Although the painting is a Song copy, it and the other images cited above give us an idea of how early woven seats looked.
In addition to the monks and the literati, the Tang emperors also used woven seats, and the Tang court arguably fuelled the spread of woven seats from monasteries to the homes of ordinary people. In Record of Zhenyuan (Zhenyuan lu), when the Tantric monk Vajrabodhi (669-741) left India to spread Buddhism in Tang territory, the King of Malaya sent him with a military escort and gifts for the Tang rulers, including a “seven-jewel” woven seat. In 719, Vajrabodhi arrived in Luoyang, and he was treated generously by Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, marking the earliest recorded instance of an emperor possessing a woven seat.[12] The most famous example of a Tang emperor using a woven seat is recorded in Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government: Record of Tang (Zizhi tongjian: Tangji),[13] and Song-Yuan historian Hu Sanxing (1230-1302), based on the contemporary (late Song and early Yuan) woven seats he had seen, described the corded-chair as having a wide plank seat allowing for cross-legged sitting, with a back, armrests, and four legs, [14] concluding that these corded-chairs were early versions of what would later be known as chairs or meditation chairs in the Song period. These examples show that the earliest secular chair may have been an imperial throne or an official seat, but it was certainly a “seat of honour.”[15]
The Emergence of the Term “Meditation Chair” in the Early Song Dynasty
As its name suggests, a meditation chair was a seat for monks, Buddhist masters, or practitioners while they engaged in meditation, but the precise origins of the term remain to be investigated. Available records show that the term 'meditation chair' (chanyi) first appeared in the Song dynasty, including Southern Song monk Zhipan’s Complete Chronicles of the Buddha and the Patriarchs (Fozu tongji),[16] Yuan dynasty Tuo Tuo's History of Song (Songshi)[17], and Southern Song Zhou Mi's Rustic Talks from East of Qi (Qidong yeyu), the latter of which included a poem by early Northern Song writer Ding Wei (962-1033), where meditation chairs were still referred to as "woven seats.”[18] In the Song dynasty, the term “meditation chair” gradually spread and, perhaps like the term “chair” (yizi) itself, became established through use.
Rather than reclining to sleep, monks often slept in their meditation chairs, which may explain why the woven seats had backs. Fatigued from sitting for such long periods of time, all the monks had to do was lean back to rest; this particular lifestyle developed from the use of the woven seat.[19] Wang Tinggui (1080-1172), who was active during the late Northern Song and early Southern Song periods, wrote “Two poems about travelling to Daoist Liu’s hut in Yuanling, where he had only one meditation chair and no sleeping couch, and said he had not slept for forty years”,[20] shedding light on the fact that the term 'meditation chair' existed by the late Northern Song period and that these chairs were not solely used by monks in Buddhist monasteries. Daoist priests and alchemists interested in pills of immortality also used meditation chairs. With the change in name from the Tang woven seat to the Song meditation chair, the chair’s function came to be primarily associated with meditation.
Although no Song-dynasty meditation chairs have survived, many Buddhist paintings depicting them offer insights into their design, such as the Kingdom of Dali Painter Zheng Shengwen’s Scroll of Buddhist Paintings (Daliguo miaogong Zhang Shengwen hua fanxiang juan)(fig. 5)[21], depicting the Seven Chan Patriarchs in the Land to the East and each seated on a chair with a high back and protruding ends at the headrest and armrests. Varying examples of meditation chairs are depicted in Arhats (Songren hua luohan tu)(fig. 6)[22] and The Five Mountains and Ten Monasteries (Wushan shicha tu)(fig. 7),[23] the latter comprising comprehensive details further pieces in Southern Song monasteries in southern China by a Japanese monk.
In tracing the shifts from the Tang woven seat to the Song chair, one sees the general picture of the first meditation chair being introduced into China from abroad, together with Buddhism. Used in the beginning exclusively by monks in monasteries, it later spread to court and evolved into an imperial throne, and eventually became a seat of honour for officials and the literati in everyday life. The meditation chair could be considered China’s earliest high-rise chair. By the Song dynasty, the meditation chair form was already mature, with a diverse array of designs and rather complex decoration, and offered a glimpse into later armchairs and “lamp hanging” chairs.
Meditation Chairs and Late Ming Literati Life and Taste
In A Study of Ming Furniture, Wang Shixiang cites A Record of Things Seen Amongst the Mists: Customs (Yunjian jumu chao: Fengsu) by the late Ming writer Fan Lian (1540-1609) and his discussion of key developments in Ming furniture during the reigns of the Longqing and Wanli Emperors, where the wealthy became more selective in their choices of wood for their furniture, and that furniture became "extremely expensive as well as ingeniously made."[24] Wang also cites Wang Shixing’s (1547-1598) An Elucidation of Broad Travels (Guang zhiyi), who notes a shift in Ming furniture style from opulence to simplicity stemming from 'antiquity-loving' Suzhou, which "flourished in the Jiaqing, Lonqing, and Wanli periods."
Wang highlights a huanghuali table in the Nanjing Museum as evidence of this. Inscribed with praise by 'Old Man Chong'an' in the yiwei year in the Wanli era [1595],”[25] the piece, formerly belonging to the family of Suzhou traditional Chinese medicine practitioner Lei Yunshang, exemplifies the shift towards simplicity and elegance in Ming furniture. Suzhou's reputation for its skilled artisans and fine furniture making in the late Ming dynasty suggests strong patronage and support. The late Ming literati opposed excessive carving, and held antiquity, nature and simplicity in high regard, a sentiment that echoed in Suzhou's love for antiquity.
Coincidentally, this large huanghuali meditation chair is believed to be from the Songjiang area of Shanghai, and the aforementioned Fan Lian excerpt referred to a few prominent families who lived there, including "Mo Shilong and the young gentlemen of the Gu and Song families". Mo Tinghan (1539-1587), also known as Mo Shilong, was a renowned painter and calligrapher, and the young gentlemen of the Gu and Song families may refer to influential late Ming painters associated with the Songjiang School, a group of reclusive literati painters who lived in the Songjiang area. ‘Chong’an sou’ of the inscription refers to Pan Yunduan, an esteemed scholar and collector who was connected to this artistic circle through familial ties and shared interests. [27] The Songjiang School not only impacted painting and calligraphy but also played a significant role in shaping trends in artisanal objects. Excavations of the tomb of Pan Yunzhi (1534-1589), the younger brother of Pan Yunduan, revealed late Ming furniture from the Wanli period, showcasing the strong influence of the literati taste on Ming furniture.
The late Ming literati held meditation chairs in high esteem. They were very discerning and articulated exacting standards for wood quality and design. They disliked excessive ornamentation and favoured chairs made of rattan and natural wood or bamboo with no chisel marks. Distinct preferences were outlined by Gao Lian (1527-1603) [28], Wen Zhenheng (1585-1645) [29] [30] and Tu Long [31], all underscoring the literati’s reverence for nature and a preference towards simple, elegant aesthetics.
Literati taste shaped the aesthetic standards for Ming furniture: the materials should be beautiful yet solid, and the craftsmanship should be simple yet pleasing. They were particular about materials and workmanship. In shape and design, what had been ornate carving became sleek, clean lines, harmonious proportions, and peerless construction, giving an overall impression of simplicity. Wang Shixiang summarised the five types of beauty that Ming furniture possesses: the beauty of the wood, the shape, the structure, the carving, and the decoration,[32] and this large huanghuali meditation chair perfectly embodies all five types.
Meditation Chairs: Nurturing Good Health Among the Late Ming Literati
In his study of late Ming consumer culture and the literati, historian Wu Renshu discussed the commodification and specialisation of objects. In analysing late Ming furniture culture, the studio or the study represented cultural capital for the literati. Simply put, this room demonstrated that they had a wealth of knowledge or intellectual capacity, which they used to legitimate their status and power. Due to the spread of literati culture throughout society and the luxury consumption produced by a commodity economy, anyone with sufficient wealth in the late Ming period could purchase the studio and its associated cultural capital, which was once the sole province of the literati. As Fan Lian noted previously, officials and educated men were no longer the only ones who could build studies; even yamen servants had the ability to set up their own studio spaces. As a result, the literati started to carve or write inscriptions on their study furniture, often connecting morality, learning, and political events. Transforming studio furniture into something special or even sacred was a way of countering commodification.[33]
In addition to inscriptions on the furniture, the literati used another method to resist “vulgar” commodification: defining elegant or vulgar furniture materials, types, and arrangements. Such definitions were meant to highlight the aesthetic taste of the literati, while serving as symbols of their own elevated status. The meditation chair was a very important piece of furniture in these guides. In Eight Discourses on the Art of Living, Gao Lian describes at length the furniture and décor that should be present in a literati studio, of which a meditation chair was an essential piece. [34]
In addition to the meditation chair being essential for a study, Gao Lian lists a meditation chair as necessary for nurturing one’s inner life. Wen Zhenheng (1585-1645) also advocated placing a reclining couch and meditation chair in a room in addition to the studio, or rather, the "ten-foot room" (zhangshi),[35] a reference from the Vimalakīrti Sutra, referring to the room in which Manjushrī and others come to inquire about Vimalakīrti's illness and discuss Buddhist doctrine. In later parlance, the term referred to a small room in which the literati found refuge from the cold and provided a place for them to read and rest quietly during that season.
Compared to the Tang and Song periods, meditation chairs in the late Ming were no longer limited to use by eminent monks; they had entered the lives of many literati and become an indispensable item of furniture in a scholarly studio. They were even considered essential to the practice of meditation and the preservation of one’s good health, which was particularly meaningful for people at that time. The study was the most personal space for the literati class. In the late Ming text Clear Words from a Peaceful Age (Taiping qinghua), Chen Jiru (1558-1639) noted that the literati would burn incense, drink tea, grind ink, play music, annotate books, venerate the Buddha, enjoy wine, sit quietly, peruse the sutras, gaze at the mountains, and practice calligraphy in their studies as “solitary pleasures.” Here, “sitting quietly” is sitting in meditation. The overall form and design of meditation chairs are intended to encircle meditation practitioners, separating them from the outside world and creating a simple yet inspiring space. The chair allows the user to lean back and to the side, while also offering room to sit cross-legged for extended periods of time. One may even suggest that the meditation chair in a scholarly studio created a world in which the scholar enjoyed himself. The late Ming literati sought to quiet the mind. When they fell short of the official ideal of well-ordered individuals, families, and nations, or during an ordinary moment in seclusion, they meditated to forget their worries and calm their minds. Meditation and caring for the self were an important part of the literati home life, and meditation chairs, along with a Buddha statue, a ruyi sceptre, a fly-whisk, and a broom, naturally became key features of studies or ten-foot rooms. Meditation chairs played an important role in this practice, making them a unique symbol of the time.
In contrast to the meditation practices of Buddhist or Daoist clergy, the late Ming literati wanted to highlight their aesthetic taste and lifestyle and display their own distinct identity and position. As scholars have noted, the late Ming literati would have had the Confucian classics, as well as Buddhist and Daoist texts, on their desks. By placing chairs in their studios for quiet meditation, the literati were not intending to join a religious order; they wanted to find a pure place, where they could escape career dissatisfaction and the reclusive life. With a calmer frame of mind, they could begin to reconcile the many disappointments of worldly life.[36] This was a “solitary pleasure” only available to a scholar of the time.
[1] Grace Wu Bruce, Mingshi jiaju jingyanlu [Ming furniture through my eyes] (Beijing: Gugong chubanshe, 2015), 132-133.
[2] Wang Ziren, “Zai Xifang jingdian jiaju kanjian Mingdai sheji meixue--Rang Yamanni ye fengkuang de laoyizi” [Seeing the Ming aesthetic in Western classic furniture: An old chair that drove Armani crazy], Shangye zhoukan [Business weekly], August 10, 2006, 26-30.
[3] John Kieschnick, The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 222-228.
[4] Weng Tongwen, “Shengchuang ziliao biannian zongbiao” [A chronology of materials on woven seats], Appendix in “Zhongguo zuoyi xisu yiji yizi mingcheng de qiyuan yu puji” [Chinese sitting customs and the origin and spread of the word for “chair”], in Weng Tongwen, Zhongguo kexuejishushi luncong [Collection of essays on the history of Chinese science and technology], ed. Song Dexi (Banqiao: Daoxiang, 2004), 223-239. See also Cui Yongxue, Zhongguo jiajushi－Zuojubian [The history of Chinese furniture: Seating] (Taibei: Mingwen shuju, 1994), 88-98.
[5] Based on Kieschnick, The Image of Buddhism on Material Culture, 271-272.
[6] Sarah Handler, Austere Luminosity in Chinese Classical Furniture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 31.
[7] David Hinton, trans., The Selected Poems of Po Chü-I (New York: New Directions Books, 1999), 177.
[8] Image source: Zhongguo bihua quanji bianji weiyuanhui [The complete murals of China editorial committee] ed., Zhongguo Dunhuang bihua quanji [The complete murals of Dunhuang, China] Vol. 2 (Tianjin: Tianjin renmin meishu chubanshe, 1989-2006), 171, Fig. 184.
[9] See Shao Xiaofeng, Dunhuang yizi tushi de lingyizhong quanshi—Yi ‘Sheli Fuyanzuo’ weili [Another interpretation of Dunhuang chair images: Examining Śāriputra Sitting Quietly], Zhongguo guojia bowuguan guankan [Journal of the National Museum of China) (January 2019), 103-109.
[10] Image source: Han Sheng, Zhengcangyuan [Shōsōin Depository] (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2007), 47.
[11] Image source: Cai Meifen, ed., Jingcai yibai: Guobao zongdongyuan [One hundred splendid things: A total mobilization of national treasures] (Taibei: Gugong bowuyuan, 2011), 234.
[12] Kieschnick, The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture, 244.
[13] Kieschnick, The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture, 231.
[14] Kieschnick, The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture, 231.
[15] Cui, Zhongguo jiajushi, 109-110.
[16] Zhipan, Fozu tongji [Complete chronicles of the Buddha and the patriarchs], in Xuxiu siku quanshu [Supplement to the complete book of the four storehouses] Vol. 27, ed. Fudan daxue tushuguan gujibu [Antique book department of the Fudan University Library (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), 344-345.
[17] Tuo Tuo, et. al., Songshi [History of Song] Vol. 40, Book 489 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 14078.
[18] Zhou Mi, Qidong yeyu [Rustic talks from east of Qi], in Wenlange qinding siku quanshu [Complete books of the four storehouses commissioned for the Wenlan Hall), Vol. 885, eds. Song Weiping and Xu Hairong (Hangzhou: Hangzhou chubanshe, 2015), 740. See also Weng, Zhongguo kexuejishushi luncong, 239.
[19] Weng, Zhongguo kexuejishushi luncong, 250.
[20] Wang Tinggui, Luxi wenji [Collected works of Lu Creek], in Wenjinge siku quanshu [Complete books of the four storehouses for Wenjin Hall] Vol. 1138, eds. Yong Rong and Ji Yun (Beijing: Beijing shangwu yinshuguan ju Zhongguo Guojia Tushuguan cangben yingyin, 2006), 192.
[21] Image source: Li Yumin, Miaoxiangguo de xishi zhenbao: Daliguo “Huafan xiang” yanjiu [Rare treasures of a fragrant kingdom: A study of the Dali Kingdom Scroll of Buddhist Paintings] (Taibei: Shitou chubanshe, 2023).
[22] Image source: Lin Lina ed., Huazhong jiaju tezhan [Special exhibition of furniture in painting] (Taibei: Gugong bowuyuan, 1996), 42.
[23] Image source: Zhang Shiqing, Wushan shicha tu yu Nansong Jiangnan chansi [The Five Mountains and Ten Monasteries and the Southern Song Buddhist temples of southern China] (Nanjing: Dongnan daxue chubanshe, 2000), 132-135.
[24] Klaas Ruitenbeek, Carpentry and Building in Late Imperial China: A Study of the Fifteenth-Century Carpenter’s Manual Lu Ban Jing (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 15. For the original Chinese, see: Fan Lian, Yunjian jumu chao [A record of things seen amongst the mists], in Congshu jicheng sanbian [Complete collection of books from various collectanea], Vol. 83, Book 2, ed. Wang Deyi (Taibei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1999), 394.
[25] Wang Shixiang, Mingshi jiaju yanjiu [A study of Ming furniture] (Beijing: Shenghuo dushu xinzhi sanlian shudian, 2010), 7-11.
[26] Zhang Qingqing, “Zailun ‘Pan Guanglu’ jiujing heren—Qianlun Mo Shilong yu Shanghai Panjia de jiaowang” [Returning to Pan Guanglu’s real identity: A discussion of Mo Shilong’s interactions with the Pan family of Shanghai] Rong Bao Zhai no. 5 (2016): 132-139.
[27] Ling Lizhong, “Baidai biaocheng—Dong Qichang de yishu chaoyue jiqi xiangguan wenti” [Models for a hundred generations: Dong Qichang’s artistic leap and related issues], in Baidai biaocheng: Dong Qichang shuhua yishu [Models for a hundred generations: Dong Qichang’s painting and calligraphy], eds. Shanxi bowuyuan and Shanghai bowuguan (Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 2019), 3-29.
[28] Handler, Austere Luminosity in Chinese Classical Furniture, 34. For the original Chinese, see Gao Lian, Yashang zhai zunsheng bajian [Eight discourses on the art of living] Vol. 8 (Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe ju Ming Wanli shijiunian zikeben suoyin, 1988), 221.
[29] There is a Zhuan Zhu Alley in the northwestern part of Suzhou. According to legend, the Spring and Autumn period assassin Zhuan Zhu was buried there inside Chang Gate. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, southern artisans gathered along the alley, and the chair is so named because artisans who specialized in making chairs worked on that alley during the late Ming period.
[30] Wen Zhenheng, Zhang wu zhi [Treatise on superfluous things] Vol. 6, ed. and ann. Chen Zhi (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 2012), 88-89.
[31] Handler, Austere Luminosity in Chinese Classical Furniture, 35. For the original Chinese, see Tu Long, Kaopan yushi [Desultory remarks on furnishing the abode of the retired scholar] Vol. 3 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 2012), 303. Wu Popiao, whose given name was Ruzi, used the style name Shaojun and was a native of Lanxi (now Lanxi County, Zhejiang). He came from a wealthy family, but his wife died in middle age. He then spent all of his money buying ancient calligraphy and painting. He traveled extensively and was skilled in making exquisite objects.
[32] Wang Shixiang, “Mingshi jiaju wumei” [The five beauties of Ming furniture], in Jinhui erdui: Yijuan [Two piles of brocade ash, Vol. 1] (Beijing: Shenghuo dushu xinzhi sanlian shudian, 2003), 59-60.
[33] Wu Renshu, Pinwei shehua: Wan Ming de xiaofei shehui yu shidafu [Extravagant taste: Late Ming consumer society and the literati] (Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan, Lianjing chuban shiye, 2007), 243.
[34] Gao, Yashang zhai zunsheng bajian, 201-202.
[35] Wen, Zhang wu zhi, 26-27.
[36] Zhu Yan, “Mingdai chanyi sheji yu Mingren xijing zhi feng” [Ming meditation chair design and Ming meditation practice], Zhongguo meishu [Chinese art], no. 11-12 (2018): 84-89.
Late Ming Huanghuali Meditation Chair FAQ
1. What makes this meditation chair so special?
This late Ming dynasty huanghuali meditation chair is exceptional for several reasons. Firstly, its size is remarkable, exceeding that of typical yokeback chairs and approaching the scale of a throne. It's crafted from prized huanghuali rosewood, showcasing the wood's natural beauty. The design is characterized by distinctive flat-ended armrests and a top rail, a feature not commonly seen. The chair's most striking element is the wide, curved back splat, intricately carved from a single piece of wood to resemble three interconnected segments.
2. How does this chair reflect the aesthetics of Ming furniture?
This chair embodies the five aesthetic principles of Ming furniture defined by scholar Wang Shixiang:
Beauty of Wood: The chair utilizes the natural beauty of huanghuali rosewood, highlighting its elegant grain patterns.
Beauty of Shape: The chair features sleek lines, harmonious proportions, and a masterful balance of curves and straight lines, seen in elements like the arched apron bars and the curved top rail.
Beauty of Structure: The chair's construction is sturdy yet elegant, with clever joinery techniques and well-considered structural elements like the splayed legs and stretchers.
Beauty of Carving: The restrained carving on the top rail is executed with precision and artistry, enhancing the wood's natural features rather than overwhelming them.
Beauty of Decoration: The chair's beauty lies in its simplicity. It avoids excessive ornamentation, allowing the natural wood and elegant form to take center stage.
3. What is the significance of the soft mat in the chair?
The three-layered soft mat is noteworthy because it has been preserved in its original condition, offering a glimpse into the chair's history and how it was used. The mat's construction, with layers of palm rope and rattan, speaks to the emphasis on comfort and functionality in Ming furniture design.
4. How did the use of meditation chairs evolve from the Tang to the Ming dynasty?
In the Tang dynasty, "woven seats" (shengchuang) served as precursors to the meditation chair. Initially used mainly by Buddhist monks, they later gained popularity among the elite and even emperors, becoming symbols of status. By the Song dynasty, the term "meditation chair" (chanyi) emerged, and the chair's association with meditative practices solidified. In the late Ming, meditation chairs transitioned from primarily religious settings to the studies of literati, reflecting a growing interest in self-cultivation and a taste for refined, minimalist aesthetics.
5. How did late Ming literati view and use meditation chairs?
Late Ming literati regarded meditation chairs as essential furnishings for their studies, signifying their intellectual pursuits and refined taste. They appreciated chairs crafted from natural materials like bamboo, rattan, and unadorned wood, rejecting excessive ornamentation. The meditation chair became a symbol of the literati's pursuit of self-cultivation, providing a space for contemplation and escape from the pressures of official life.
6. How did the Songjiang School influence the popularity of meditation chairs?
The Songjiang School, a group of late Ming literati painters and scholars, played a significant role in popularizing the aesthetic preferences that favored meditation chairs. This group, with members like Mo Shilong and Pan Yunduan, emphasized simplicity, natural beauty, and a connection to antiquity in their art and lifestyle. Their influence contributed to the demand for high-quality, elegantly designed furniture like the huanghuali meditation chair.
7. What role did the concept of "solitary pleasures" play in the use of meditation chairs?
The late Ming literati embraced the idea of "solitary pleasures," activities enjoyed in quiet contemplation, such as calligraphy, reading, and meditation. The meditation chair provided the perfect setting for these pursuits, creating a space for personal reflection and spiritual growth. The chair became an embodiment of the literati's desire for a retreat from the complexities of the outside world.
8. Are there any surviving examples of Song dynasty meditation chairs?
Unfortunately, no actual Song dynasty meditation chairs have survived. Our understanding of their design comes from depictions in paintings and written descriptions. However, these sources provide valuable insights into the evolution of the form and the aesthetic preferences of the time, paving the way for the refined elegance of Ming dynasty meditation chairs.
Timeline of Events
This timeline focuses on the development of the meditation chair and its integration into the lives of the late Ming literati.
Pre-Han Dynasty: The ancient Chinese sat on mats on the floor.
Han Dynasty: Low couches (ta) and beds (chuang) become popular forms of seating for the elite.
Western Jin Dynasty or Earlier: Woven seats (shengchuang), possibly originating from India, begin to appear in Buddhist monasteries.
High/Late Tang Dynasty: Woven seats gain popularity beyond the monasteries, with emperors, aristocrats, and some lay Buddhists adopting their use.
Tang Dynasty:
Increased interaction between monks and the literati/officials leads to the adoption of woven seats and cross-legged meditation practices among the literati. Poets like Wang Wei and Bai Juyi practiced meditation and are known to have owned woven seats.
The earliest visual representation of a woven seat appears in Mogao Cave 285 (Western Wei dynasty).
Tang Emperor Xuanzong receives a seven-jewel woven seat as a gift, marking an early documented instance of an emperor owning such a seat.
Further evidence of woven seats is found in the tomb of Gao Yuangui and the Shōsōin Repository in Japan.
A Song Dynasty copy of Xiao Yi Trying to Obtain the Lanting Scroll, attributed to Tang painter Yan Liben, depicts a monk in a chair with a woven seat and back.
Song Dynasty:
The term "chair" (yizi) begins to replace "woven seat".
The term "meditation chair" (chanyi) emerges, possibly signifying a more defined role for the chair in meditation practices.
Monks begin sleeping in meditation chairs, likely due to the back support allowing for leaning.
The poet Wang Tinggui visits a Daoist priest who owns a meditation chair and claims to have not slept lying down in 40 years. This suggests that the term "meditation chair" existed by the late Northern Song period and that such chairs were used beyond Buddhist circles.
Visual representations of meditation chairs appear in various Song dynasty paintings: Kingdom of Dali Painter Zheng Shengwen’s Scroll of Buddhist Paintings, Arhats, and The Five Mountains and Ten Monasteries. These depict a variety of styles and decorative elements.
Late Ming Dynasty (Jiaqing, Longqing, and Wanli reigns):
There is a shift in furniture style from opulence to simplicity, spurred by a revival of interest in antiquity and a preference for natural materials among the literati.
Suzhou, known for its skilled artisans, becomes a center for high-quality furniture production, reflecting the influence of literati taste.
The meditation chair transitions from a primarily monastic object to a key piece of furniture in literati studios, signifying their refined taste and intellectual pursuits.
Writers like Gao Lian, Wen Zhenheng, and Tu Long articulate specific preferences for the materials and design of meditation chairs, emphasizing natural beauty and simplicity over excessive ornamentation.
The meditation chair is not just a piece of furniture but is seen as an essential tool for self-cultivation and a marker of the literati's unique identity and status.
Cast of Characters
Buddhist Figures:
Fotucheng (232-348): Western Jin dynasty monk. The earliest recorded mention of "woven seats" appears in his biography in Biographies of Eminent Monks.
Biancai: Tang dynasty monk depicted in the painting Xiao Yi Trying to Obtain the Lanting Scroll, sitting in a chair with a woven seat and back.
Vajrabodhi (669-741): Indian Tantric monk who traveled to the Tang court and was gifted a seven-jewel woven seat by the King of Malaya.
Zhipan: Southern Song dynasty monk. His Complete Chronicles of the Buddha and the Patriarchs contains one of the earliest recorded uses of the term "meditation chair".
Literati and Officials:
Wang Wei (692-761): Tang dynasty poet known for his Buddhist practices and ownership of a woven seat.
Bai Juyi (772-846): Tang dynasty poet who wrote about his seated meditation practices.
Gao Yuangui (684-755): Brother of Gao Lishi, a powerful minister to Tang Emperor Xuanzong. A mural in his tomb depicts a woven seat similar to one found in Japan.
Hu Sanxing (1230-1302): Song-Yuan historian who provided a detailed description of "woven seats" based on his observations.
Ding Wei (962-1033): Early Northern Song writer whose poetry is cited in Zhou Mi's Rustic Talks from East of Qi as containing a reference to woven seats.
Wang Tinggui (1080-1172): Poet from the late Northern Song and early Southern Song periods who wrote about a Daoist priest who owned a meditation chair and practiced prolonged seated meditation.
Zheng Shengwen: Painter of the Kingdom of Dali Painter Zheng Shengwen’s Scroll of Buddhist Paintings, a work from the Song Dynasty that depicts various styles of meditation chairs.
Fan Lian (1540-1609): Late Ming writer whose A Record of Things Seen Amongst the Mists: Customs describes the growing popularity of hardwood furniture among the wealthy in the late Ming Dynasty.
Mo Shilong (1539-1587): Also known as Mo Tinghan, a prominent late Ming painter, calligrapher, and collector, associated with the Songjiang School.
Gu and Song families: Several members of these families were influential late Ming painters associated with the Songjiang School.
Wang Shixing (1547-1598): Author of An Elucidation of Broad Travels, which discusses the shift in Ming furniture style towards simplicity stemming from Suzhou.
“Old Man Chong’an”: Refers to Pan Yunduan, a late Ming scholar and collector who owned a huanghuali table inscribed with his praise, exemplifying the simple yet elegant aesthetic favored by the literati.
Pan Yunzhi (1534-1589): Younger brother of Pan Yunduan. Excavations of his tomb yielded late Ming furniture, reflecting the taste of the literati.
Gao Lian (1572-1603): Late Ming writer and proponent of the meditation chair as an essential item for the literati studio. He outlined his preference for materials and design in Eight Discourses on the Art of Living.
Wen Zhenheng (1585-1645): Late Ming writer who advocated for a separate room, in addition to the studio, to house a meditation chair and reclining couch. He also provided specific guidelines for chair design.
Tu Long (1543-1605): Late Ming writer and author of Desultory Remarks on Furnishing the Abode of the Retired Scholar, which mentions a beautifully crafted meditation chair made of natural materials.
Chen Jiru (1558-1639): Late Ming writer who, in Clear Words from a Peaceful Age, described the literati's enjoyment of solitary pursuits, including seated meditation, within their studios.
This cast of characters highlights the intertwined relationship between Buddhism, the literati, and the development and appreciation of the meditation chair in Chinese history.
Comentarios