唐代筆記 vol.5 海棠盃與唐代長沙窯的美意識 - The Lobed Cup and Aesthetics of Tang Dynasty Changsha Kiln

海棠杯是中國美術品中出現和流行的一種十分特殊的品種，源頭追溯到漢代，唐代時湧現，這些令人嚮往的酒杯源自异国他乡的萨珊式银杯，除了進口，唐代時也開始在中國製作，其材質也從銀器、玻璃延伸到長沙窯、越窯的瓷器，是中西文化交流的見證。

長沙窯青釉海棠形高足杯，高5.3厘米，口长13.2厘米，口宽8.3厘米，足径6.5厘米，上海博物館藏。

東漢鸚鵡陶盃湖南博物院藏

Figure 1. Left, Sasanian product . Right, Green glass lobed-cup, Sasanian, 7th century A.D.

Figure 2. Lobed silver cups, Sasanian, 7th century A.D. [19]

Figure 3. Tang dynasty, 9th cent. A.D.

Figure 4. Left, Lobed elliptical silver footed dish, late Tang dynasty, 8th-9th century A.D., Right, ware lobed elliptical cup, excavated from the tomb of Qian Kuan dated to 900 A.D.

Figure 5. Changsha kiln products

這些東方陶器和金屬器皿大多出自唐代，但其中一些獨特的器皿則來自薩珊王朝和薩珊王朝後早期的波斯產品。

The lobed shape cup is an engaging variation that appears and becomes popular in the arts and crafts of China, among the artworks some of the items are most noteworthy morphologically which are lobed products in figures 3, 4 & 5.

Most of these eastern earthenware and metal utensils are from Tang dynasty; however, the distinctive vessels inspired from Sasanian and early post-Sasanian Persian products (Figures 1 & 2). The silver vessel (figure 2) as well as glassware of similar form (figure 1. Right), are during the Han dynasty which from the Persian Empire had reached China, a trickle that turned into a greater stream feeding the Tang Empire, which is still an important indication of the intercultural communication between East and Persia. Regarding to this communication F. H. Schafer says:

以上銀器和類似形式的玻璃器皿的根源可以追溯到漢代，它們從波斯帝國傳入中國，從涓涓細流到大唐帝國，這仍然是東方和波斯之間文化交流的重要標誌。關於這種交流，F. H. Schafer 說道：

"......中國的大部分海外貿易是通過中國南海和印度洋進行的。從七世紀到九世紀，印度洋是一個安全而富饒的海洋，各國船隻來往不絕......遷都到波斯灣首的巴格達後，東方貿易大為繁榮。阿拉伯城市巴士拉是離巴格達最近的港口，但最大的船隻無法抵達。巴士拉下面，波斯灣的源頭是烏布拉，它是波斯帝國的一個古老港口。但最富庶的是設拉子下面波斯灣波斯一側的西拉夫（Siraf）。這座城市的繁榮全靠東方貿易，它一直主宰著波斯灣，直到 977 年被地震摧毀。

“ … Most of China’s overseas trade was through the south China Sea and Indian Ocean. From the seventh to the ninth century, the Indian Ocean was a safe and rich ocean, thronged with ships of every nationality… capital was moved to Baghdad at the head of the Persian Gulf, the eastern trade flourished greatly. Basra, an Arab city, was the port nearest to Baghdad, but it could not be reached by the largest ships. Below Basra, at the head of the Persian Gulf, was Ubullah, an old port of the Persian side of the Empire. But richest of all was Siraf, on the Persian side of the Persian Gulf below Shiraz. This town owed all its prosperity to the Eastern trade, and it dominated the Gulf until destroyed by an earthquake in 977. Its inhabitants were Persians in the main … The decline of Siraf was a disaster for the trade with the Far East …

From these ports, then, the ships of many nations set sail, manned by Persian-speaking crews –for Persian was the lingua franca of the Southern Seas, as Sogdian was the lingua franca of the roads of Central Asia. They stopped at Muscat in Oman … may be they risked the coastal ports of Sind haunted by pirates, or else proceeded directly to Malabar and thence to Ceylon … where they purchased Gems. From here the route was eastward to the Nicobars … then they made land on the Malay Peninsula … hence they cruised the Strait of Malacca towards the lands of gold … finally they turned north … to trade for silk damasks in Hanoi or Canton or even farther north.

The sea-going merchantmen which thronged the ports of China in Tang times were called by the Chinese, who were astonished at their size, (Argosies of the South Seas) … and especially (Persian Argosies) … the great ocean-going ships of China appear some centuries later, in Sung, Yuan and early Ming … when the Arab writers of the ninth and tenth centuries tell of Chinese vessels in the harbors of the Persian Gulf, they mean, ships engaged in the China trade…

從這些港口出發，許多國家的船隻揚帆起航，船上的船員都講波斯語，因為波斯語是南洋的通用語言，就像索格迪亞語是中亞道路上的通用語言一樣。他們在阿曼的馬斯喀特停留......可能是冒險前往海盜出沒的信德沿海港口，也可能是直接前往馬拉巴爾，然後前往錫蘭......在那裡購買寶石。從這裡向東前往尼科巴群島......然後他們在馬來半島登陸......接著他們游弋於馬六甲海峽，前往黃金之地......最後他們轉向北方......到河內或廣州甚至更遠的北方進行絲綢錦緞貿易。

唐朝時，中國港口的遠洋商船熙熙攘攘，中國人驚訝於它們的規模，稱其為（南洋的阿爾戈斯號）......尤其是（波斯的阿爾戈斯號）......中國的遠洋巨輪出現在幾個世紀之後的宋、元和明初......當第九和第十世紀的阿拉伯作家講述波斯灣港口的中國船隻時，他們指的是從事中國貿易的船隻......。

......中國的資料顯示，從事這一豐富貿易的最大船隻來自錫蘭。它們有 200 英尺長，載有六七百人。其中許多船隻拖著救生艇，並配備了尋家鴿。在波斯灣建造的單桅三角帆船較小，由乳膠帆船組成。

… Chinese sources say the largest ships engaged in this rich trade came from Ceylon. They were 200 feet long and carried six or seven hundred men. Many of them towed lifeboats and were equipped with homing pigeons. The dhows built in the Persian Gulf were smaller, lateen-rigged.

(Canton was then the frontier town, during Tang a truly Chinese city) in the estuary before this colorful and insubstantial town were… the argosies of the Brahmans, the Persians and the Malays, their number beyond reckoning, all laden with aromatics, drugs and rare and precious things, their cargoes heaped like hills.

The Chinese taste for the exotic permeated every social class and every part of daily life: Persian, Indian and Turkish figures and decorations appeared on every kind of household objects. The vogue for foreign clothes, foreign food and foreign music was especially prevalent in the eighth century, but no part of Tang era was free from it.

Other exotic fashions of mid-Tang were leopard skin hats, worn by men, tight sleeves and fitted bodices in the Persian styles, worn by women along with pleated skirts and long stoles draped around the neck and even hair-styles and makeup of Un-Chinese character.

Dates had long been known as a Persian products and in Tang (‘s period) were actually imported.

(當時的廣州是前線，是唐朝時真正的中國城市）在這座色彩斑斕而又渺小的城市之前的河口，有......婆羅門、波斯和馬來人的帆船，它們的數量無法計算，都滿載著香料、藥品和稀有珍貴的物品，貨物堆積如山。

中國人對異國情調的喜好滲透到每個社會階層和日常生活的方方面面：波斯、印度和土耳其的人物和裝飾品出現在各種生活用品上。對外國服裝、外國食物和外國音樂的追捧在八世紀尤為盛行，但唐代的任何地方都沒有擺脫這種風氣。

唐中期的其他異域風尚包括男子戴的豹皮帽，女子穿的波斯風格的緊袖和合身上衣，以及百褶裙和披在脖子上的長披肩，甚至還有非中國特色的髮型和妝容。

大棗一直被稱為波斯產品，在唐朝實際上是舶來品。

儘管唐朝的紡織業非常出色，或者正因為如此......許多外國製造的衣服都是進口的......因此，保存在日本奈良正倉院和法隆寺的精美唐代織物，以及在中亞吐魯番附近發現的幾乎相同的織物，都顯示了薩珊波斯流行的形象、設計和符號......"

故宮博物院，越窯海棠式杯，唐，口徑13.2－8.2釐米，足徑5.8釐米，高6.6釐米。此杯的口沿和杯身造型屈曲有致，猶如海棠花開，杯足較高，外撇。此種造型來源於薩珊金銀器“多曲長杯”，具有濃郁的西域風格。此樣式進入中國後，南北方瓷窯都有燒造，成為唐代較為流行的式樣。越窯青瓷在唐代代表著南方制瓷業的最高水平。此杯胎質細膩，釉層均勻，反映了當時的燒瓷水平。

伊斯蘭教征服波斯後的頭三百年，中國在唐朝（618-905 年）達到了新的高度。中國尤其是江南地區的商業得到改善，詩歌和繪畫發展出新的模式，紙張、陶器、印刷術和茶葉被發現，學術機構得到牢固確立，直到 1912 年幾乎保持不變，（例如，作為中國最負盛名的四大書院之一，岳麓書院是一所著名的高等學府，也是學術活動的中心）.

波斯繼續與中國保持關係。唐朝時，在中國西北部的主要貿易中心形成了講波斯語的商人社區，被稱為 "胡人"（Húrén）。中國元朝招募了大量中亞和波斯士兵、專家和工匠。其中一些被稱為 "色目人"（Sèmù rén）的人在元朝政府中擔任重要官職。

因此，波斯和中國設計師對廣泛的藝術、設計和商業領域的貢獻往往被忽視。本文介紹了波斯人和中國人豐富的文化遺產，以及這兩種文化在促進產品發展方面發揮的重要作用。

Despite the excellence of the Tang textile industry or perhaps because of it … many clothes of foreign make were imported… therefore, the handsome Tang fabrics preserved in the Shosoin and Horyuji at Nara in Japan and the almost identical ones found near Turfan in Central Asia, display the popular images , design and symbols of Sasanian Persia…” .

In the first three hundred years after the Islamic conquest of Persia, China reached new heights under the Tang dynasty (618-905). Chinese improved commerce specially in the southern part of China, new patterns developed in poetry and painting, paper, potteries, printing and tea were discovered and academic institutions became so firmly established that they remained almost unchanged until 1912, (for example, As one of the four most prestigious academies in China, Yuelu Academy is a famous institution of higher learning as well as a centre of academic activities and upholding cultures since it was formally set up in the ninth year of the Kai Bao Reign of the Northern Song Dynasty (976). Yuelu Academy, surviving the Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties, was converted into Hunan University in 1926).

Persia continued their relations with China. During the Tang Dynasty, communities of Persian-speaking merchants, known as Húrén(胡人), formed in northwestern China’s major trade centers. A large number of Central Asian and Persian soldiers, experts, and artisans were recruited by the Yuan Dynasty of China. Some of them, known as Sèmù rén (色目人) occupied important official posts in the Yuan Dynasty administration .

Therefore contribution of Persian and Chinese designers to a wide range of art, design and commerce disciplines is often overlooked. This paper provides a glimpse of the rich cultural heritage within the Persians and Chinese with significant role of both cultures that have played in the advancement of products.

湖南省博物館藏，長沙窯海棠盃，高5.9釐米，口徑13.2釐米×8.1釐米，足徑5.2釐米長沙窯窯址出土湖南省博物館藏其器形平面近似橢圓，海棠花式敞口，弧腹下收，喇叭形圈足。杯心壓印盛開的蓮花紋。長沙窯生產的海棠杯數量不少，絕大多數壓印蓮花紋，也有光素無紋者，釉色有青釉、醬釉、乳濁白釉、先施青釉再罩醬釉的復釉。

長沙窯的美意識

印花工藝

長沙窯印花工藝主要有兩種，一為模印貼花，一為印花。模印貼花是將瓷泥填塞入已刻好紋飾的凹模中，印好花紋後脫模而出，再將印有花紋的泥片貼塑到器物上的裝飾技法。

模印貼花是長沙窯最常用的裝飾工藝，運用廣泛，紋飾豐富。尤以壺、罐類為最多，如1973年衡陽市司前街水井出土的唐青釉模印貼花人物紋壺，紋飾十分精美，表現力強，且極具異域風情，新穎新奇。

唐青釉模印貼花人物紋壺

長沙窯的印花主要是模印，即印模壓印，先在模頭上刻好花紋，再用印模按壓器內，一次性印出花紋。

印花的模子屬制瓷工具，不是商品，他處無出土，窯址可見，現介紹一件1983年窯址考古發掘出土的蓮花印模，長7.5釐米，直徑6.9釐米，灰青胎，無釉，圓柱狀，一端略粗，中部凹入，模面微凸，上用刀具陰刻蓮紋，刀法嫻熟。長沙窯運用印花技法不多，以碟、海棠杯為主，故在模印貼花的光芒下往往不被重視。

蓮花印模

紋飾

長沙窯印花碟上的紋飾主要有三類：花卉、瑞鳥和水果。花卉以蓮紋最常見。蓮花是佛教的聖花，佛祖一出世，便站在蓮花上，一手指天，一手指地，並說：“天上天下，惟我獨尊。”大慈大悲的觀音菩薩站於蓮座、坐於蓮座、臥於蓮花、手持蓮花。蓮花是佛的象徵，代表清淨的法身，莊嚴的報身。蓮花自身高潔，出淤泥而不染，唐人喜愛這種聖潔的花卉。

瑞鳥類紋飾有雲雁紋和鸚鵡銜綬。大雁在高空中自由飛翔的紋飾，寄託了人們對自由自在生活的嚮往。長沙窯詩文壺壺流下寫過這樣的警句“羅網之鳥悔不高飛”，便是在勸誡其高飛，“天高任鳥飛，海闊任魚躍”，人也應以此為鑒努力向上。鸚鵡銜綬紋，極富時代感，是唐代常用的紋樣，唐代的銅鏡、銀壺上都能看到此紋。鸚鵡，羽毛鮮艷，美麗動人，舌柔軟，能習人語，供人娛樂，唐人愛之。唐代民間養鸚鵡，有些上貢朝廷，番邦異國朝貢鸚鵡，鸚鵡為宮中寵物。唐太宗、武則天、唐玄宗都喜愛鸚鵡，玄宗尤甚。玄宗與楊貴妃養了一隻鸚鵡，名“雪衣娘”，異常聰明，能背誦詩篇，雪衣娘亡，命葬於苑中，為立塚，呼為鸚鵡冢，可見喜愛之深。唐人視鸚鵡為富貴吉祥鳥，胡皓詩《同蔡浮起詠鸚鵡》雲：“鸚鵡殊姿致，鸞鳳得比肩。”將鸚鵡與鸞鳳等同看待。鸚鵡銜的“綬”與“壽”諧音。鸚鵡銜綬寓意長壽富貴，吉祥如意。

唐長沙窯青釉褐綠彩菠蘿紋壺

一、器形

這件長沙窯醬釉印花花紋碟的造型優雅。敞口，七出花口，七曲弧腹，平底，整體造型似盛開的花朵，完全不同於唐初及以前圓口淺碟的瓷碟造型。在眾多的長沙窯產品中，印花碟的數量不多，卻有其獨特之處。下面請欣賞幾件長沙窯印花碟，從中可發現長沙窯印花碟的器形特徵，估摸出印花瓷碟造型可能源自何處。

1、褐釉印花雲雁紋碟

高2.1釐米，口徑7.4釐米長沙窯窯址出土湖南省博物館藏侈口，卷邊，圓唇，直腹略弧，平底。胎色灰，施褐釉，碟內滿釉，碟外壁施釉至腹中，釉面開片，胎釉結合不甚好，口沿一周剝釉。碟內模印雲雁紋，紋飾十分清晰，一隻大雁展翅飛翔於雲朵間。

2、印花蓮紋花形碟

高2.4釐米，口徑7.6釐米長沙窯窯址出土湖南省博物館藏斂口，六出花口，圓唇，六曲弧腹，平底，整體造型似花朵。胎色灰白，胎釉結合不好，釉層已脫落。碟內模印一朵盛開的蓮花，花開七重瓣，花心為蓮蓬，中有蓮子七顆。

3、綠釉印花菠蘿紋三角形碟

高3釐米，邊長12.5釐米湖南省益陽市赫山廟出土益陽市博物館藏碟呈三角形，敞口，花邊，腹部做花瓣形，平底。胎色灰白，施綠釉不及底，胎釉結合較好。碟內印花，為一顆長在地裡的菠蘿，其根、葉、果實紋路均清晰。

4、醬釉印花如意花紋花形碟

高2.1釐米，口徑11.6釐米長沙窯窯址出土長沙市博物館藏敞口，五出花口，五曲弧腹，平底。胎色灰白，施醬釉不及底，胎釉結合不甚好，部分釉面已剝落。模印如意形花瓣組成的花紋、花心似桃花於碟心，對雲紋五組、每組之間數道直線紋於內壁。

5、醬釉印花鸚鵡銜綬紋花形碟

高2.9釐米，口徑11.9釐米長沙窯窯址出土長沙市博物館藏敞口，五出花口，五曲弧腹，平底。胎色灰白，施醬釉不及底，胎釉結合不甚好，有剝釉現象。模印鸚鵡銜綬於碟心，數道直線紋五組分別於五曲內壁。碟心梅花形開光內一隻鸚鵡，體型肥碩，雙腳站立，兩翅微張，頭圓，喙大且短，上喙似鈎狀，口銜綬帶，其上方有一枝葉。

6、醬釉印花蓮紋花形碟

高2.5釐米，口徑9釐米長沙市博物館藏斂口，六出花口，六曲弧腹，平底。胎色灰白，施醬釉不及底，胎釉結合好。碟內模印綻放的蓮花，花開八重瓣，花蕊蓮子清晰。

長沙窯印花瓷碟以花口為主，與我國唐代金銀器碗盤碟造型非常相似，如：法門寺折枝紋葵花形陰盤、繁峙多曲銀碗。唐代疆土遼闊，政治穩定，國力強盛，經濟繁榮，社會開放，奢靡之風盛行，是我國古代社會的黃金時期，也是金銀器使用的極盛時期。金銀器不僅是貴金屬，價值不菲，身份地位的象徵，而且唐人認為金銀器能試毒、保健康、延年益壽。唐詩中隨處可見金銀器具，如：“人生得意須盡歡，莫使金樽空對月。”“誰能載酒開金盞，換取佳人舞繡筵。”“鳳凰尊畔飛金盞，絲竹聲中醉玉人。”“弦吟玉柱品，酒透金杯熱。”唐代宮廷擁有的金銀器皿之多、之美，令今人難以想象。文獻記載：翰林學士王源踢球踢得好，文宗一次賞金碗24個；淮南節度使王播一次向敬宗進奉銀碗3400個。據統計，考古發掘出土的唐代金銀器比唐代以前各個朝代所出金銀器的總和還要多出幾倍。最精美者首推法門寺地宮出土的金銀器，從中可領略皇家用器的風範。

左圖法門寺折枝紋葵花形銀盤右圖唐繁峙多曲銀碗

唐人如此喜愛金銀器，陶瓷器為了沾到金銀器的貴氣，盡量模仿金銀器，先在器形上加以仿造。以長沙窯印花碟為例，印花碟以花口為多，碟腹部壓印凸稜，這些造型上的特徵均源自銀器碗盤。長沙窯還大量生產海棠杯，海棠杯最常用的裝飾手法也是印花。海棠杯其器形源自唐代金銀長杯，因外形酷似海棠花而得名。唐代金銀長杯的造型源自異國他鄉的薩珊式銀杯，為中西文化交流的產物。